oo IS •o IS •o 2.0 Cn H THE CAMDEN MISCELLANY, VOLUME THE FIFTH: CONTAINING FIVE LETTERS OF KING CHARLES II. COMMUNICATED BY THE MARQUIS OF BRISTOL, President. LETTER OF THE COUNCIL TO SIR THOMAS LAKE, RELATING TO THE PROCEEDINGS OF SIR EDWARD COKE AT OAT- LANDS ; AND, DOCUMENTS RELATING TO SIR WALTER RALEIGH'S LAST VOYAGE. A CATALOGUE OF EARLY ENGLISH MISCELLANIES FORMERLY IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY. LETTERS SELECTED FROM THE COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS IN THE POSSESSION OF WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. V.P.S.A. SIR FRANCIS DRAKE'S MEMORABLE SERVICE DONE AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN 1587. WRITTEN BY ROBERT LENG, GENTLEMAN, ONE OF HIS CO-ADVENTURERS AND FEL- LOW-SOLDIERS. , INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER DATED FEBRUARY SRD, 1613, AND SIGNED "MARY MAGD ALINE DAVERS." PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. M.DCCC.LXIV. WESTMINSTER : PRINTED BY JOHN BOWYER NICHOLS AND SONS, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET. 9,0 [NO. LXXXVII.] COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR 1863-64. President^ THE MOST HON. THE MARQUESS OF BRISTOL, F.S.A. ARTHUR ASHPITEL, ESQ. F.S.A. WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A. Treasurer JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director. WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A. JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A. THE RIGHT HON. LORD FARNHAM, JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. LL.D. THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A. JOHN MACLEAN, ESQ. F.S.A. SIR FREDERIC MADDEN, K.H. F.R.S. FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas.S.A. WILLIAM SALT, ESQ. F.S.A. WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary. WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A. HIS EXCELLENCY M. VAN DE WEYER, D.C.L., Hon. F.S.A The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under- stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- tions that may appear in the Society's publications; the Editors of the several Works being alone responsible for the same. ^ r^rTZ- C fol. Paris, n. d. • »% For other Editions see Worde, W. de, and Pynson, R. Fian. News from Scotland, declaring the Life and Death of Dr. Fian, a Sorcerer . ,.- 4to. Lond. 1591 Fight (a Famous) at Sea, where 4 English and 4 Dutch ships fought 3 days against 8 Portuguese galleons and 3 frigates in the Gulf of Persia .... 4to. Lond. 1605 Fish, Simon. A Supplication for the Beggars . 16mo.Lond. 1524 Fisher, Payne. Poemata . . . fol. Lond. 1655 Another copy .... fol. Lond. 1656 Fites. The Bloody Book, or the Tragical and Desperate End of Sir John Fites, a De- vonshire Knight . . . 4to. Lond. 1605 Fitzgeffrey, H. Certain Elegies done by sun- dry Excellent Wits, with Satires and Epigrams .... 12mo. Lond. 1617 Flea, The, or Democritus' Dream . . 8vo. Lond. 1605 Fletcher, Joseph. History of the Perfect Cursed Blessed Man . . . >f.:;4to. Lond. 1629 Fletcher, Phineas. The Purple Island . 4to. Camb. 1633 Fletcher, Robert. The Nine English Worthies . 4to. Lond. 1606 Flodden Field, in nine Fits, a Poem . . 8vo. Lond. 1664 Flores of Greece, History of, . . . 4to. Lond. 1664 Ford, John. Fame's Memorial, or the Earl of Devonshire Deceased . . . 4to. Lond. 1606 Fox, John. Acts and Monuments, 2 vols. . fol. Lond. 1563 Fraunce, A. The Countess of Pembroke's Ivy- Church ..... 4to. Lond. 1591 The Lawyer's Logic . . . 4to. Lond. 1588 Frederic Henry, Prince of Scotland, Account of his Baptism . . ,;.,./i, ..; 4to. Lond. 1594 Freeman, T. Eub and a Great Cast . ; v 4to. Lond. 1614 Frost. The Great Frost; Cold Doings in London ,4to. Lond. 1608 FORMERLY IN THE HARLEI AN LIBRARY. 17 Fulwell, U. The Flower of Fame . . 4to. Lond. 1575 First Part of thevmth Liberal Science . 4to. Lond. 1579 G. Gale, D. Pyramus and Thisbe . . 4to. Lond. 1626 Gamage, W. Linsie-Wolsie, or Two Centuries of Epigrams .... 8vo. Oxf. 1621 Garden, A. Theatre of the Scotish Kings . 4to. Edin. 1709 Garter, B. Tragical and True History between two English Lovers . . . 8vo. Lond. 1565 Another copy .... 8vo. Lond. 1565 A New Year's Gift . . . 8vo. Lond. 1579 Garzoni, T. The Hospital of Incurable Fools . 4to. Lond. 1600 Gascoigne, G. A Hundred Sundry Flowers bound up in one Small Poesy . . 4to.Lond.(1572) Poesies, 1575 .... 4to. Lond. n. d. Whole Works .... 4to. Lond. 1587 Glass of Government . . . 4to. Lond. 1575 Drum of Doomsday . . . 4to. Lond. 1576 Gay ton, G. The Art of Longevity . . 4to. Lond. 1659 Gilbert, Sir H. Discourse of a Discovery of a • New Passage to Cathaia . . 4to. Lond. 1576 Gosson, St. Ephemerides of Phialo . . 8vo. Lond. 1579 Another edition .... 8vo. Lond. 1586 Plays Confuted in Five Actions . . 16mo. Lond. n. d. The School of Abuse . . -M'- 4to. Lond. 1587 Goulart, J. Admirable and Memorable Histories, translated by E. Grimestone . . 4to. Lond. 1607 Gower, John. De Confessione Amantis . fol. Lond. 1532 Another edition .... fol. Lond. 1554 Graham, S. The Passionate Spark of a Relenting Mind ..... 4to. Lond. 1604 Greene, Robert. Morando the Tritameron of Love . 4to. Lond. 1584 18 EARLY ENGLISH MISCELLANIES. Greene, Robert, Euphueshis Censure to Philautus 4to. Lond. 1587 Another edition .... 4to. Lond. 1634 The Spanish Masquerado . . 4to. Lond. 1589 Menaphon, or Arcadia . . . 4to Lond. 1589 Groundwork of Coney catching . . 4to. Lond. 1592 Never too Late . ,, . . 4to. Lond. 1592 Another edition .... 4to. Lond. 1631 Penelope's Web .... 4to. Lond. 1631 A Quip for an Upstart Courtier . . 4to. Lond. 1620 Arbasto, King of Denmark . . 4to. Lond. 1626 Ciceronis Amor .... 4to. Lond. 1628 Dorastus and Fawnia . . . 4to. Lond. 1636 Guevara, A. de. Dial of Princes . . fol, Lond. 1557 Another edition .... fol. Lond. 1568 A Looking-Glass for the Court, translated by F. Bryant .... 8vo. Lond. 1575 Gwyn, D. Certain English Verses .. . 8vo.Lond.(1588) H. H., B. The Glass of Man's Folly . . 4to. Lond. 1595 H., I. The Devil of the Vault, or the Unmasking of the Murder .... 4to. Lond. 1606 Hake, E. Of Gold's Kingdom and this Unhelp- ing Age .... 4to. Lond. 1604 Hakluyt, E. Virginia Kichly Valued . . 4to. Lond. 1609 Hall, John. Chronicle . . . fol. Lond. 1548 Hall, Joseph. Virgidemiarum (the last 3 books only) . . . . 16mo. Lond. 1598 Hall, Thomas. Funebria Florse . . 4to. Lond. 1660 Another edition .... 4to. Lond. 1661 Harding, John. Chronicle in metre . . 4to. Lond. 1543 Harrington, Sir J. Metamorphosis of Aj ax . 8vo. Lond. 1596 The Englishman Doctor . *. . . 8vo. Lond. 1607 FORMERLY IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY. 19 Harvey, G. Four Letters and certain Sonnets . Pierce's Supererogation . Hawes, Edward. Traitorous Percies and Catesbys Prosopopeia .... Hawes, Stephen. The Pass-time of Pleasure Another edition .... Hawkins, W. Apollo Shroving Help, A New, to Discourse . Henry, Prince. Three Elegies on his Death Herbal, The Great Hero and Leander, the Second Part, by Henry Petowe ..... Heylin, P. History of St. George of Cappadocia . Hey wood, John. Works. Another edition .... Spider and the Fly Dialogues containing Proverbs Hey wood, Thomas. A Marriage Triumph The Life of Merlin Hie Mulier, or the Man-Woman 7 Haec Yir, or the Womanish-Man > Hind, John. The Mirror of Worldly Fame Holinshed, R. Chronicles, 3 vols. Another copy L. P. Another copy L. P. Holland, H. Heroologia Anglica Holy Scripture. Stories and Prophecies out of the Holy Scripture, garnished with fair images ..... Honora, containing a most Pleasant History deciding a Controversy between English modesty and Spanish pride Hooker, John, alias Vowell. Offices of Every Officer of the City of Exeter 4to. Lond. 1592 4to. Lond. 1593 8vo. Lond. 1606 4to. Lond. 1517 4to. Lond. 15o4 8vo. Lond. 1627 12mo. Lond. 1638 4to. Lond. 1613 fol. Southw.1525 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 4to. Lond. 1598 1630 1562 1598 1556 1556 1613 1641 4to. Lond. 1620 12mo. Lond. 1603 fol. Lond. 1586-7 fol. Lond. 1586-7 fol. Lond. 1586-7 fol. n. p. 1620 8vo. Antw. 1536 4to. Lond. 1597 4to. Lond. 1584 20 EARLY ENGLISH MISCELLANIES Horace. Two Books of Epistles, Satires. &c., translated by Drant Art of Poetry, &c., translated by the same Hornby, W. The Scourge' of Drunkenness Howard, H. Earl of Surrey. Songs and Sonnets Huggard, M. Assault of the Sacrament of the Altar, in verse .... Treatise in Metre on the 129th Psalm ^'---v Hume, Sir P. The flyting between Montgomery and Polwart 4to. Lond. 1566 4to. Lond. 1567 4to. Lond. 1618 4to. Lond. 1585 4to. Lond. 1554 4to. Lond. 1556 4to. Edin. 1621 I. Ireland. Latter discovery of Ireland, or a Sham- rockshire Gallimawfry drest after a homely manner in the country fashion . . 4to. Lond. 1646 J. James I. Essays of a Prentice in the Divine Art of Poetry .... His Majesty's Poetical Exercises at Vacant Hours . Demonology Johnson, E. The Nine Worthies of London . Pleasant Walks of Moorfields A Crown Garland of Golden Roses History of the Seven Champions of Christendom .... Jordan, Th. A Rosary of Rarities Jovius, P. Discourse of Rare Inventions, trans- lated by S. Daniel Justice. The Book of Justices of the Peace. 4to. Lond. by 4to. Edin. 1584 4to. Edin. 1591 4to. Edin. 1600 4to. Lond. 1592 4to. Lond. 1607 8vo. Lond. 1662 4to. Lond. 1686 8vo. Lond. n. d. 8vo. Lond. 1585 R. Copland (1515) FORMERLY IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY. 21 K. Kelton, A. A Chronicle with a Genealogy . 12mo. Lond. 1547 Kinaston, Sir F. Leoline and Sydanis . . 4to. Lond. 1642 Kirkman, Fr. Merry Conceited Humours of Bottom the Weaver, a Droll . . 4to. Lond. 1661 Kyffin, M. The Blessedness of Britain, a Poem 4to. Lond. 1588 L. Langland, R. The Vision of Piers Ploughman . The same, printed on vellum Piers the Ploughman's Creed Larke, John. The Book of Wisdom Lazarillo de Tormes, History of, (bl. 1.) Laws (Scotish). The Black Acts (collected by E. Henry son) .... Another copy .... Leland, John. Genethliacon illustrissimi Edvardi Principis Cambrias Assertio Inclytissimi Arturii »% Two copies. ~ Cygnea Cantio .... »% Two copies. Laudatio Pacis .... Laborious Search and Journey for Eng- land's Antiquities, edited by John Bale. . w% Two copies. Learned and True Assertion of the Life of K. Arthur .... Lenton, F. The Inns of Court Anagrammatized Letter, A, of a Baker of Boulogne sent to the Pope ..... 4to. Lond. 1550 4to. Lond. 1550 4to. Lond. (1553?) 8vo. Lond. n. d. 8vo. Lond. 1576 fol. Edin. 1566 ibid. 4to. Lond. '1543 4to. Lond. 1544 4to. Lond. 1545 4to. Lond. 1546 12mo.Lond. 1549 4to. Lond. 1582 4to. Lond. 1634 4to. Lond. 1607 22 EARLY ENGLISH MISCELLANIES Lewkenor, S. Discourse concerning Universities 4to. Lond. 1600 Lilly, John. Sapho and Phao . — Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit Linch, B. The Fountain of Antient Fiction Lindewode, W. Provinciale #% No such edition is now known. Linschoten, J. H. Van. Voyages *% No such edition is now known. Lisle, W. The Fair ^Ethiopian, a poem Lithgow, W. The Pilgrim's Farewell to his native Country of Scotland Lloyd, L. The Jubilee of Britain The Pilgrimage of Princes 4to. Lond. 1592 4to. Lond. 1636 4to, Lond. 1599 folio, n. p. 1483 fol. Lond. 1576 4to. Lond. 1631 4to. Edin. 1618 4to. Lond. 1607 4to. Lond. 1653 »% Some of Lloyd's other works were in the Library. Lodge, T. Historical Life of Robert Duke of Normandy .... 4to. Lond. 1591 The Wounds of Civil War . . 4to. Lond. 1594 A Fig for Momus . . . 4to. Lond. 1595 A Treatise of the Plague . . . 4to. Lond. 1603 Euphues' Golden Legacy . . . 4to. Lond. 1623 London. Six London Gossips . . . 4to. Lond. 1607 Six London Gentlewomen and their Hus- bands .... Lovell, T. See Dancing. Lupton, D. London and the Country carbona- doed and quartered into several characters 12mo. Lond. Lupton, T. Too Good to be True . . 4to. Lond. Lyndsay, Sir D. Works . . . 4to. Edin. Another edition .... 4to. Edin. Dialogue between Experience and a Courtier 4to. Lond. Another edition . . ' -r . 4to. Lond. A Satire of the Three Estates 4to. Edin. 4to. Lond. 1607 1630 1580 1574 1597 1575 1581 1602 FORMERLY IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY. , M. M., T. The Silkworms and their Flies Father Hubbard's Tales, or the Ant and the Nightingale Markham, Robert. Description of Sir J. Burgh, Kt. (in verse.) Marston, John. The Scourge of Villany Martin, Joseph, New Epigrams and a Satire Maxwell, James. A Monument of Remem- brance in honour of Frederick and Eliza- beth of Bohemia Menne, John de. The Dodochedron of Fortune, translated by Sir W. B. Kt. Middleton, C. An Introduction for to learn to Swim . The History of Heaven Legend of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester Mirror, The, and Description of the World Mirror, A, for Magistrates Another edition The same, with a different title Monardus, N. Joyful News out of the New-found World .... Monte-Rocherio, G. de. Manipulus Curatorum Moreas, F. de. Palmerin of England, translated by A. Munday . * : ' Mors, Roderick, alias Brincklow. Complaint. . The same, another edition Munday, A. The English Roman Life True Report of the Execution of certain Traitors at Tyburn A Watch-word to England CAMD. SOC. D 4to. Lond. 1599 4to. Lond. 1604 • 4 to. n. p 1628 16mo. Lond. 1599 4to. Lond. 1621 4to. Lond. 1613 4to. Lond. 1613 4to. Lond. 1595 4to. Lond. 1596 4to. Lond. 1600 fol. Lond. n. d. 4to. Lond. 1559 4to. Lond. 1610 4to. Lond. 1623 4to. Lond. 1580 8vo. sine ulla notd 4to. Lond. 1639 8 vo.( Savoy) 1535 8vb.(Geneva)1536 4to. Lond. 1582 4to. Lond. 1582 4to. Lond. 1584 24 EARLY ENGLISH MISCELLANIES N. Nash, Thos. Lenten Stuff . . . . 4to. Lond. 1593 The Unfortunate Traveller, or the Life of Dick Wilton . . >fii ; 4to. Lond. 1594 Have with you to Saffron Walden . 4to. Lond. 1596 Neville, A. Norfolk's Furies, translated by E. Woods ..... 4to. Lond. 1623 %* Two Copies. Newman, Arthur. The Bible-Bearer . . 4to. Lond. 1607 Pleasure's Vision, and other Poems . 16mo. Lond. 1619 Newnham, John. The Night-Crow . . 4to. Lond. 1590 Niccols, E,. Sir Thomas Overbury's Vision . 8vo. Lond. 1616 Nicholai, N. Navigations, translated by T. Washington .... 4to. Lond. 1585 Nicholson, S. Acolastus His After-Wit . 4to. Lond. 1600 Nixon, A. The Black Year . . . 4to. Lond. 1606 No Whipping or Tripping, but a Kind Friendly Snipping (in verse) . . . 8vo. Lond. 1601 Norden, John. Vicissitude Kerum, a Poem . 4to. Lond. 1600 Northampton, H., Earl of. A Defensative against the Poison of supposed Prophecies . 4to. Lond. 1583 Northbrooke, John. A Treatise against Dicing, Dancing, &c. . . . . 4 to. Lond. (1577) Northumberland, John Dudley, D. of. His saying on the Scaffold (in verse) B. L. . 8vo. Lond. 1553 0. Oclandus, C. Elizabeth Queen, translated from the Latin by John Sharrock . . 4to. Lond. 1585 Old, The, Faith of Great Britain and the New Learning of England . . '• . 8vo. Lond. 1537 Overbury, Sir T. His Wife . . » 4to. Lond. 1525 Another edition . . ;: 4to. Lond. 1530 The Image of Love . . . 4to. Lond. 1525 The Martiloge . . . . 4to. Lond. 1526 Mirror of Gold for the Sinful Soul I ; 4to. Lond. 1526 King Kichard Coeur-de-Lion . *• 4to. Lond. 1528 The Chronicle of England . . fol. Lond. 1528 The Pilgrimage of Perfection . . fol. Lond. 1531 The Dietary of Ghostly Health . . 4to. Lond. 1532 Another edition . . . 4to. Lond. 1533 A Work for Householders, by R. Whitford 4to. Lond. 1533 Erasmus' Enchiridion Militis Christiani . 8vo. Lond. 1534 Gerson^s Treatise drawn out of many and divers writings of holy men / . / . 4to. Lond. n. d. Carta Feodi .... 4to. Lond. n. d. A Treatise called Parvula 4to. Lond. n. d. Westminster : Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament Street. LETTEKS SELECTED FROM THE COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS IN THE POSSESSION OP WILLIAM TITE, ESQ., M.P., V.P.S.A. PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. M.DCCC.LXIV. LETTEKS FROM THE COLLECTION OP WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. THE following Letters claim attention upon three distinct grounds. They proceed from persons to whose names there attaches a never- dying interest; they are of historical importance; and they are peculiarly characteristic of their writers. The first of them, regarded as an autograph, is an excellent speci- men of the large distinct hand written by CHARLES I. at the com- mencement of his reign. This writing has been greatly praised. Some persons have even termed it beautiful. Others may deem it laboured, weak, uncertain, and like the early efforts of a school-boy. All will admit that it has the great merit of being in the highest degree legible. The letter itself, when read in connection with passing events, is full of character. It is addressed by the King to his sister Elizabeth, the Queen of Bohemia, then a widow, and living as an exile at the Hague. The great war which had desolated Germany for nearly fifteen years was still in progress. Gustavus Adolphus had died on the field of Lutzen in November 1632; but the cause for which he had shed his blood still continued, after many fluctuations, to hold up its head. There had stepped into the place of the great hero, Axel Oxenstiern, the Chancellor of Sweden, a man who shared the Protestant feeling and the undespairing energy of his renowned master ; but Oxenstiern exhibited these qualities not in the 4 LETTERS FROM field, but in the cabinet. By diplomatic skill, displayed in the continual formation of new arrangements and combinations, Oxen- stiern was enabled to recruit the Swedish veterans who had fought their way into the very heart of Germany, and to bring new armies into the field to their support. A great part of the hereditary dominions of the Palatinate family had now been won back again. Elizabeth's eldest son was of age to take the government. Oxen- stiern was prepared to yield the country up to him upon terms in which the Duke of Simmeren, the administrator of the Palatinate during the young Elector's minority, was willing to concur, but which the desolated country was too poor to carry out. Charles I., the boy's maternal uncle, was appealed to for assistance. There was infinite discussion, and profession, and delay, but no help. Elizabeth, long versed as she had been in disappointment, was deeply wounded. She felt inclined to abandon all hope. It was not so with Oxenstiern. He determined to make another trial, and for that purpose despatched his son, Baron John Oxenstiern, who had been in England before, on a special mission to the Court of Charles I. His design was really to ascertain whether or not any ex- pectation might be entertained of assistance from England. On his route Oxenstiern passed through Holland, and conferred with Eliza- beth. His youthful animation and trustfulness aroused the decayed confidence of the deserted Queen, and once more she felt inclined to hope. She was again doomed to discover that she had trusted to a broken reed. Oxenstiern arrived in London at a most un- propitious moment, The intrigue against Spain in the Low Coun- tries having been brought to an end, the King was now intriguing with Spain against the United Provinces, and, under pretence of clearing the Channel of pirates, was about to set forth a great fleet, one object of which was to act against Holland. At such a time, when the Spanish party in the English government was dominant, but dared not avow its objects, it was impossible to enter into MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 5 closer relations with Sweden, all whose movements and objects were adverse to Spain. The young roan failed entirely. He was played with in a manner not yet, it is to be feared, quite obsolete among diplomatists and official persons; and, after a residence of some months in England, left the country disgusted and annoyed. He even refused to accept the present of plate which it was cus- tomary to bestow upon departing ambassadors. He would not himself receive benefit — he is said to have declared — from an em- bassy which had not advantaged those who sent him.a This was the mission referred to in the following letter. Although its utter failure was well known, and occasioned a great deal of muttering and discontent among the partisans of Elizabeth, the particular excuse made to Oxenstiern by the English government did not appear, so far as we have observed, in the papers of the time. The letter now published intimates what it was. The English ministers picked a hole in Oxenstiern's instructions, and, declaring them to be insufficient, rode off in triumph at their own ingenuity, vainly imagining, as they dismissed young Oxenstiern, that they could blind the world as to the real grounds of their refusal. But we have seen that besides Sweden there was another party to this transaction — the King's " only dear sister." It was necessary that some account of the failure should be given to her. Something must be said to soothe her disappointment, and prevent her throw- ing herself into the arms of France, which, by way of securing a footing in the Palatinate, was ready to give the help which England denied. This was the King's part in the affair, and he performed it in the letter now before us. Every reader will be able to judge how he executed his task after the explanation which has been given. The letter, printed verbatim et literatim, runs as follows: — * See Mrs. Green's life of Elizabeth of Bohemia, in Lives of Princesses, v. 533. We have consulted also the State Papers, both Foreign and Domestic, respecting this 6 LETTERS FROM KING CHARLES I. TO ELIZABETH QUEEN OF BOHEMIA. MY ONLIE DEARE SlSTER, I hope shortlie to make a full dispatche to you by my Agent Bos- well,3 therfore I shall say littell to you at this tyme/but that I hope ye beliue that it is not my want of affection to your affaires, but Oxensternes want of instructions, that hes made him haue so ill suc- cesse hithertoo in his negotiations, of which I hope alreddie you haue had some accounte ; & so I rest Your louing Brother to serue you, CHARLES R. Greenewiche the 13. of May, 1634. I hope the haste of the bearer will excuse the abruptness of my letter. [No address or seal.] II. The second Letter is one of great and peculiar interest — it is OLIVER CROMWELL'S military despatch announcing his relief of Gainsborough, and the advance into the Eastern counties of the great body of royal troops under the command of the Earl of Newcastle. The circumstances were briefly these. The Earl, advancing south- wards, met Lord Fairfax on the 30th June, 1643, on Atherton Moor, and totally defeated him. With the shattered remnant of his army Fairfax managed with great difficulty to escape into Hull, whilst the Earl pursued his onward course, driving the Parliamentary forces before him. In the mean time two other bodies of the Parliamen- tarians were advancing northward, one under Lord Willoughby of Parham, the Parliamentary Lord Lieutenant of Lincolnshire, and the other under Cromwell. Lord Willoughby, by a rapid and skilful movement, surprised Gainsborough, which was held for the King by the Earl of Kingston, and took it by assault. Cromwell a Sir William Boswell, the King's diplomatic agent at the Hague. MK. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 7 in like manner captured Burghley House, built by the great Lord Treasurer, and then advanced to Grantham, which had lately been taken for the King by Colonel Charles Cavendish, second son of the Earl of Devonshire, and by him had been almost demolished. Cromwell's design was to move northward from Grantham to Gains- borough, taking with him supplies of ammunition and victuals for Lord Willoughby, who was already inclosed, if not besieged, by the forces of the King. Advancing the nearest way across Notting- hamshire, Cromwell effected a junction with three hundred cavalry from Nottingham, under Sir John Meldrum, at North Scarle. This was on Thursday evening the 27th July, 1643. Having paused .there for a few hours' refreshment and sleep, at two o'clock the next morning he was again in motion, and advanced unmolested until he arrived within about a mile and a half from Gainsborough. There his farther progress was opposed by a body of the enemy under the command of the same Colonel Cavendish who had lately distinguished himself at Grantham. Here the incidents first re- lated in the letter before us took place. Mr. Carlyie, who visited the spot when writing his work on Cromwell, describes the nature of the ground.* Without hesitation Cromwell led his soldiers to the attack, and was entirely victorious. Colonel Cavendish was killed^ and the relieving forces safely delivered their supplies in Gainsborough. Scarcely had Cromwell accomplished his work of relief, when intelligence arrived at Gainsborough that a force of the enemy was advancing upon the town from the north. Cromwell sent out his troops with the addition of 400 foot of Lord Willoughby's, all being under the command of Major Whalley, to reconnoitre. They soon fell in with the enemy, and ere long discovered that they were not opposed to a mere band of skirmishers, but to the advanced guard of the triumphant army of the Earl of Newcastle. The ine- quality of numbers was too great to venture a contest. Cromwell » Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, i. 185, ed. 1846. 8 LETTERS FROM himself conducted the retreat, which was not effected without some little disorder and loss. Wearied with their day's work, the foot re- covered Gainsborough, where they remained under the command of Lord Willoughby. Cromwell with the horse retreated to Hunting- don, whence he addressed the following letter to the Committee of the Association of the Eastern Counties : — OLIVER CROMWELL TO SIR EDMUND BACON, SIR WILLIAM SPRING, SIR THOMAS BARNARDISTON, AND MAURICE BARROW. GENTLEMEN, — [Noe man desires more to praesent you with incoragments then my selfe, because of the forwardnesse I finde in you (to your honor bee it spoken) to promote this great cause, and truly God followes you wto incoragments, whoe is the God of bless- inges, and I beseech you lett him not loose his blessings vpon vs ; they come in season, and with all the aduantages of hartninge, as if God should say, " Up and bee doeinge ! and I will helpe you and stand by you." There is nothinge to bee feared but our owne sinn and sloath.] It hath pleased the Lord to giue your seruant and souldiers a notable victorie now att Gainsbrowe. I marched, after the takinge -of Burlye house, vpon Wedensday to Grantham, where mett mee about 300 horse and dragoones of Notingham. With theise, by agreement with the Linconers, wee mett att North Scarle, wch is about tenn miles from Gainsbrowe, vpon Thursday in the eueninge, where wee tarried vntill two of the clocke in the morninge, and then, with our whole body, aduanced towards Gainsbrowe. About a mile and halfe from ye towne wee mett a forlorne hope of ye enimie of neere 100. horse. Our dragoones labored to beate them backe; but, not alightinge off their horses,* the enemie charged them, [and beate some 4. or fiue of them off their horses. Our horse charged them,] * Dragoons were at that time a kind of footmen on horseback. On service they gene- rally alighted from their horses. They marched eleven in a rank, or file, and when they alighted to serve, the eleventh man held the horses of the ten. (Grose's Milit. Antiq. i. 111.) MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 9 and made them retyer vnto their maine body. Wee aduanced and came to the bottom of a steepe hill [vpon wch the enimie stood]. Wee could not well gett vp but by some tracts, wch our men assay- inge to doe, a body of the enimie indeauored to hinder, wherein wee prasuailed, and gott the top of the hill. This was donn by the Lin- coners, whoe had the vantgaurd. When wee all recouered the top of the hill, wee saw a great body of the enimies horse facinge of vs att about muskitt shott or lesse distance, and a good reserue of a full regiment of horse behindeitt. Wee indeauored to putt our men into as good order as wee could, the enimie in the meane tyme aduancinge towards vs to take vs att disaduantage, but in such order as wee were wee charged their great body. I hauinge the right winge, wee came vp horse to horse, where wee disputed itt with our swords and pistolls a pretty tyme, all keepinge close order, soe that one could not breake the other. Att last they a little shrinkinge, our men perceauinge itt pressed in vpon them, and immediately routed this whole body, some flyinge on one side, others on the other, of the enimies reserue, and our men persuinge them had chase and execu- tion about 5. or 6. miles. I perceauinge this body, wch was the reserue, standinge still vnbroken, kept backe my maior Whaley from the chase, and with my owne troupe and one other of my regiment, in all beinge 3. troupes, wee gott into a body. In this reserue stood Generall Cavendish, whoe one while faced mee, another while faced 4. of the Lincolne troopes, wch were all of ours that stood vpon the place, the rest beinge ingaged in the chase. Att last the Generall charged the Linconers, and routed them. I imme- diately fell on his reere with my three troupes, wch did soe astonish him that hee gaue ouer the chase, and would fayne haue deli- uered himselfe from mee, but I pressing onn forced them downe a hill, hauinge good execution of them, and belowe the hill droue the generall wth some of his souldiers into a quagmier, where my Capt. Leiuetennant slew him with a thrust vnder his short ribbs.a * The uncertainty of historical testimony is exemplified in the various versions of the death of Colonel, or, as Cromwell terms him, General, Cavendish. Cromwell says CAMD. SOC. B 10 LETTERS FROM The rest of the body was wholly routed, not one man stayinge vpon the place. Wee then,a after this defeat, wch was soe totall, releiued the towne wth such powder and prouisions as wee brought ; wch donn, wee had notice that there were 6. troupes of horse and 300. foote on the other side of the towne, about a mile off vs. Wee desired some foote of my Lord Willoghby, about 400, and with our horse and theise foote marched towards them. When wee came towards the place where their horse stood, wee beate backe with my troupes about 2. or 3. troupes of the enimie, whoe retyred into a smale above that he was driven into a quagmire, and there slain with a thrust under the short ribs. Another account of this affair ( also signed by Cromwell) relates that one of Colonel Cromwell's men cut him on the head, by reason whereof he fell off his horse, and the Captain Lieutenant thrust him in the side, whereof within two hours he died. (Carlyle's Cromwell, iii. 470.) Another account, in Aubrey's Lives, ii. 276, says, that being out most dan- gerously in the head, he was struck off his horse, and so unfortunately shot with a brace of bullets after he was on the ground. Bishop Kennet, in his Memoirs of the Family of Cavendish, (p. 95,) upon the authority of a Life of Colonel Cavendish's mother (Christian daughter of Lord Bruce of Kinloss), says, that the Colonel was " murther'd in cold blood, after quarter given," by Colonel Bury, who made himself dear to Cromwell by this and some other acts of cruelty. Lloyd, in his Memoirs (p. 673), relates that Colonel Cavendish, being governor of Gainsborough, " issued out to the relief of the surprised Earl of Kingston, he was overpowered, and, his horse sticking in the mud, he died mag- nanimously, refusing quarter, and throwing the blood that ran from his wounds in their faces that shed it, with a spirit as great as his blood." It can scarcely be doubted that Cromwell's letter, and the other account signed by him, contain the truth, and that the rest are mere inventions of party prejudice. However Colonel Cavendish met his death, he was evidently a young man (just 23 years of age) of great promise. A thirst for travel had led him far beyond the limits of the Grand Tour. Forsaking his com- panion and tutor, he strayed away to Babylon, which he reached by taking service in the Turkish army. On his return to England, the civil war was just commencing. He naturally espoused the side of the King his godfather, and did so with ardour. After serving at Edgehill, he raised a regiment of horse, with which he performed his brief services at Grantham and elsewhere. Aubrey quotes from a funeral sermon preached for Colonel Cavendish, in which the preacher states that, " when Cromwell heard that he [the Colonel] was slain, he cried out, " We have done our business!" (ii. 277.) Very likely. For a brief space Colonel Cavendish had been the Rupert of the eastern side of England. On his death, and that of Markham his Lieutenant- Colonel, who was killed shortly before him, the power which had frightfully punished Grantham, and had ridden triumphant throughout that country, was at an end. a It is doubtful whether this word has not been struck out of the MS. ME. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 11 village att the bottom of the hill. When wee recouered the hill, wee sawe in the bottom, about a quarter of a mile from vs, a regi- ment of foote, after that another, after that Newcastles owne regi- ment, consistinge in all of about 50. foote colours, and a great body of horse, wch indeed was Newcastles armie, wch cominge soe vnex- pectedlye putt vs to new consultations. My Lord Willoghby and I, beinge in the towne, agreed to call off our foote. I went to bringe them off; but before I returned diuerse of the foote were ingaged, the enimie aduancinge with his whole body. Our foote retraited in some disorder, and with some losse gott the towne, where now they are. Our horse alsoe came off with some trouble, beinge wearied wth the longe fight, and their horses tyred ; yett faced the enimies fresh horse, and by severall remoues got off without the losse of one man, the enimie folio winge in the reere with a great body. The honor of this retrait is due to God, as alsoe all the rest. Maior Whaley did in this carry himselfe with all gallantrie be- cominge a gentleman and a Christian. Thus haue you this true relation, as short as I could. What you are to doe vpon it is next to bee considered. [If I could speake words to peirce your harts, with the sence of our and your condition, I would. If you will raise 2000. foote att the present, to encounter this armie of Newcastles, to raise the seige, and to inable vs to fight him, wee doubt not by the grace of God but that wee shalbe able to releiue the towne and beate the enimie onn the other side Trent ; whereas if somwhat bee not donn in this, you will see New- castles armie march vp into your bowells, beinge now as it is on this side Trent. I know it wilbe difficult to raise thus many in soe short tyme, but lett mee assuer you its necessarie, and therfore to bee donn. Att least doe what you may, with all possible expedi- tion. I would I had the happinesse to speake wth one of you. Truly I cannot come ouer, but must attend my charge, our enimie is vigilant.] The Lord direct you what to doe. Gentlemen, I am Your faythfull servant, OLIUER CROMWELL, July 31. 1643. Huntington. 12 LETTERS FROM [Giue this gentleman credence. Hee is worthy to bee trusted. Hee knowes the vrgency of our affaires better then my selfe. If hee giue you intelligence in point of tyme of hast to bee made, beleiue him. Hee will aduise for your good.] [Addressed] — To my noble friend's Sr Ednion Bacon, kl. & barronet, S>- Will'm Springe, knights and barronetts, Sr Thomas Bernardis- ton, kg1., Maurice Barrowe, esq., present theise." Readers acquainted with the admirable work of Mr. Carlyle will at once recollect that the facts here detailed have been published before. True; Mr. Carlyle published what is called this very letter, from Rushworth,b who probably obtained it from some con- temporary newspaper. But Rushworth's authority was a mere cas- trated copy, put forth by authority at a time of great public danger, when nothing but what might be looked upon as in some degree good news was permitted to see the light. We have given the whole letter as it stands in the original, indicating the passages un- known to Rush worth and Carlyle by printing them within brackets. The letter as it is now presented is one which does not attempt to disguise the danger of the position of affairs. It admits the a The persons here addressed require a brief note. Sir Edmund Bacon of Redgrave was sou of Sir Nicholas, the premier Baronet of England, and grandson of the Lord Keeper ; nephew therefore by the half blood of Francis Bacon the Lord Chancellor. Sir William Spring of Pakenham was created a Baronet by King Charles I. llth August, 1641. The baronetage is extinct, but the name is remembered in the family of Lord Monteagle of Brandon, who is descended from the Springs of Lavenham, the original stock of those of Pakenham. Sir Thomas Barnardiston, created a Baronet in 1663, was the eldest son of Sir Nathaniel Barnardiston of Ketton or Kedington in Suffolk, a person of great eminence, five times member for the county of Suffolk. Maurice Barrow was the only son of \Viliiam Barrow, at one time of Huningham Hall, co. Norfolk, and afterwards of Westhorp in Suffolk.— (Blomefield, i. 684, ed. 1739, and Nichols's Topog. and Genealo- gist, ii. 167.) b Rushworth's Collections, v. 278. Besides this letter, Carlyle has printed another letter descriptive of this Gainsborough fight, addressed to the Speaker by Cromwell and two of the Lincolnshire committee-men, in which the facts are detailed substantially in the same manner. (Appendix, No. IV. vol. iii. p. 470.) 13 urgency of the peril to the full. It warns the Committee that with- out the greatest exertion on their part, Newcastle's overpowering army would march up unimpeded into "the bowels" of that part of the country, for the defence of which they were responsible. In this state of public danger, the writer urges them, in language the serious- ness and power of which every one will acknowledge, to do what they may with all possible expedition. He appeals to past successes as God's encouragements, as if He should say, " Up and be doing ! and I will help you and stand by you," and assures them that if he could speak words to pierce their hearts with the sense of their con- dition he would do so. Not a word of this forcible and character- istic appeal appears in Rushworth. Dr. Dibdin, who formerly saw this letter in the possession of Mr. Dawson Turner, quoted a portion of the opening sentence in his ^Edes Althorpiance, p. lx., which, being totally unlike anything in the letter as found in Rushworth, led to the conclusion that there were in existence two separate letters written by Cromwell alone, as well as the one written in conjunction with others, all descriptive of Gainsborough fight. The letter as now published shows merely that, in printing this letter, Rushworth or Rush worth's authority omitted what was really the most characteristic portion. III. LETTER III. is from the great naval hero ROBERT BLAKE. In 1653 the victories over the Dutch had raised the glory of the country to a height scarcely ever attained again until the days of Trafalgar. Whilst the statesmen of the Commonwealth were settling the terms of the peace which Blake and his companions had won, he himself, wounded and out of health, recruited his strength in the repose of a modest residence situate near his native town of Bridge- water.51 But the government of the day was not one which could long allow him to be unoccupied : there were other wrongs to be a Dixon's Life of Blake, p. 266. 14 LETTERS FROM redressed, other enemies to be chastised. Two strong fleets were equipped. One was sent to the West Indies under the command of Penn and Venables. Another, destined to act nearer home, but the precise objects of which were kept secret, was entrusted to Blake. The following letter was written by him from aboard his ship the St. George, or the George, as it was then termed, lying at the Nore, and there taking in victuals. His lieutenant had returned some defective stores, but had omitted to send notice to the Commis- sioners of the Navy. The fault was officially a very grave one, and advantage was taken of it by a Mr. Bignall, perhaps an officer of the victualler, who complained to the Commissioners. Blake states the facts, and admits the blameworthiness of the lieutenant, with all a sailor's candour. He then turns round upon the informer, and shows that the balance of misconduct is rather against him than against the lieutenant. ADMIRAL ROBERT BLAKE TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE NAVY. GENTLEMEN, I have received yours of the 25 inst., in which you write that Mr. Bignall hath informd you of a hoy sent vp with victuals re- turnd from the George, without any notice thereof geven to you. I find vpon examinacion that there hath bin sent vp by the liefte- nant five hogsheads and a barrell of beefe, one barrell of porke, and 17 bags of bisket, which vpon survey was found defective and vn- serviceable ; but the lieftenant I confes was to blame for not sending you an account thereof; yet I am glad that Mr. Bignall hath geuen you this informacion, because possibly it may bring somewhat else to light, and I beleeve, had I not ben very strict in requiring of his mate an account of what victuals was actually on bord the ship, this informacion would have bin forborne, for Mr. Bignall coming abord on Saturday last in the afternoone, and hauing vnderstood of my strict inquisition [into?]a the state of the victuals, did the same night a The word is worn away. MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 15 returne, without geuing me or the captain any notice of his going; and in truth, it is, and hath bin, a vsuall thing with him to be absent from his charge, and his great care now is, to my knowledge, to get a deputacion that he may not go to sea. I haue somewhat else to say when we meet, which I hope will be very shortly. In the meane time I desire you, if it be not done already, to hasten downe the remainder of the proporcion of victuals according to the note which I presume Mr. Hempson hath shewne to you. There is left in the Hope the Pr. Marie to receive it in, if it come in time. And I am perswaded the best way to prevent such inconvenients for the future will be a severe examination of such as Mr. Bignall, of whome I haue had some former experience. I shall take the best care that may be here; which is all at present from Your affectionate friend to serve you, KOB: BLAKE. Abord the George, off the Boye of the Noure, 27 Jul. '54. [Addressed] For the Right Worshipfull the Commissioners for the Navy sitting at Tower Hill, London. IV. LETTER IV. is from one who learned the art of silence as well as that of maritime warfare in the school of Blake, and who lived to turn the former to account — GEORGE MONK, the future Duke of Albemarle. From the pleasant house of Dalkeith he had now for several years governed Scotland with firmness, and without much open dissatisfaction. His leaning to the exiled sovereign was uni- versally suspected. Even Cromwell, to whom Monk was sincerely attached, did not hesitate to write jokingly to him on the subject. Monk treated the suspicion with affected candour and some show of indignation, and continued to report from time to time to the au- thorities in England so much of the information respecting " Charles 16 LETTERS FROM Stuart " which came to his knowledge as he thought it prudent to communicate. Persevering in this quiet steady policy, he fixed himself in the affections of his soldiery, whom he kept with great care in a state of the highest military efficiency. When Oliver Cromwell died, Monk attended personally at the proclamation in Edinburgh of Richard, but both army and people received the announcement coldly, and among them were not a few who did not hesitate to declare that "old George" would be a far better Protector than " Dick Cromwell." When the second protectorate fell to the ground, Monk looked on in silence. He pretended not to see what was passing at West- minster. It was not until the republican party began openly to divide, and the army in England to interfere with the civil govern- ment, that Monk seemed to awake. The old royalists, full of feverish anxiety, were always on the move, but their movements were mere spontaneous and ill-considered ebullitions of feeling, which ended only in disaster. Monk's proceedings were charac- teristically cautious and deliberate. At the date of the following letter there were three distinct series of operations going on at the same moment. The Royalists in the North of England were pre- paring for their fatal rising under Sir George Booth ; the English army and the mutilated fragment of the Parliament were rapidly approaching to an avowed contest; whilst Monk, as will appear from the following letter, was blinding the two parties who were disputing at Westminster by sending them intelligence of " Charles Stuart's very great design," with which they were, far better acquainted than he was; and at the same time, as if altogether immersed in the busi- ness of his government, was soliciting them to adopt measures to enable him to quiet the people of Scotland — measures which it was scarcely possible for them even to think of during a period of such extreme uncertainty and confusion. Such is the state of affairs opened before us in the following MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 17 letter. A glance at what was going on during the same month at the court of Charles II. will complete the picture. Among all the adherents of Charles II. no one did so much to promote the Restoration as Sir John Grenville, son of the royalist hero who died on Lansdown above Bath. Sir John and General Monk were cousins, and there was an intimacy between Sir John and Nicholas Monk, a brother of the general, and a clergyman. The living of Kilkhampton, in Devonshire, in which parish stood the seat of the Grenvilles, chanced to fall vacant in 1658. Sir John, who had the right of presentation, gave the living, which was of some value, to Nicholas Monk, and in the course of interviews on that occasion the patron and incumbent came to an understanding respecting their political hopes and feelings. Twelve months after- wards Sir John heard that Nicholas Monk was about to pro- ceed into Scotland to visit his brother. A daughter of Nicholas had been staying at Dalkeith, with her uncle the general. A pro- posal of marriage for the young lady had been made to her father, and he was about to take a journey into the North to commu- nicate the offer, and to confer thereon with the general. Sir John Grenville seized upon this circumstance as affording an op- portunity to bring about a confidential communication between Charles II. and the general. He wrote upon the subject to Hyde, then with the King at Brussels. Ever ready to take advantage of any opening, Hyde forwarded to Sir John Grenville two auto- graph letters from the King, one addressed to Sir John and the other to General Monk. In the former the King authorised Gren- ville to offer Monk such an estate in land, and such a title of honour, as himself should desire, with such rewards (to the extent, it is said, of 100,000/. per annum for ever,) to his officers as he should think fit to promise them. In the other letter the King offered to leave the way and manner of the restoration entirely to Monk's judg- ment, and agreed to comply with any advice he might give. These CAMD. SOC. C 18 LETTERS FROM letters were dated on the -£-f of the same month in which the follow- ing letter is dated. Nicholas Monk was asked to convey them to his brother. He started aside aghast at the danger of having such papers in his possession. But he committed them to memory, and on his arrival at Dalkeith communicated their contents to his bro- ther. From the moment Monk's own selfish interests were secure, the Eestoration may be said to have been accomplished; all that followed was the mere playing out a game of which the end was predetermined. These were among the events of July 1659. GENERAL GEORGE MONK TO LORD WARRISTON, LORD PRESI- DENT OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE AT WHITEHALL.* MY LORD, I received your Lordshippes of the 28th of June, and make bold to acquaint you, that I heare that Charles Stuart hath laid a very great designe both in England and Ireland, but as yett I heare of nothing that hee hath written over to this country concerning that businesse. I am confident if hee had I should have heard of itt; butt I could wish that for the setling of the mindes of this nation, there were at present soe much power given to some Judges vppon the place heere for the carrying on of the businesse of the civill Courts of Justice, as they vsed to have in the intervalls of Sessions, and likewise the Act of Union, and pardon and grace, and that the Articles that were given by my self vppon the setling of this country vppon the last rebellion may bee confirmd, which would bee a meanes to settle the mindes of this people very much, and truly, soe they had butt justice open, and these thinges assured to them, I doe beleive they would bee generallie well satisfied with the governe- ment, butt till this bee done their mindes are in a distracted condi- tion. I thought fitt to acquaint you with this, that you may bee R Archibald Johnstone of Warriston, Lord of Session in Scotland, and one of Oliver Cromwell's peers. Burnet, who was his nephew, gives his character and many particu- lars of his sad history. (Own Times, i. 48, 350, ed. 1823.) MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 19 pleased to putt these businesses on with as much expedition as may bee ; which is all att present from Your Lordshippes very humble servant, GEORGE MONCK. Dalkeith, 5° July, 1659. Lord Wareston. [Addressed] — For the right honourable the Lord Wareston, Lord President of the Councill of State, att Whitehall. [Seal.] A chevron between three lion's heads erased. V. LETTER V., from CHARLES II. to the Earl of Lauderdale, conveys to the Earl his Majesty's full approval of his conduct in the ma- nagement of a parliament in Scotland, and especially in relation to the project of a union between the two countries — one of the few measures in the reign of this sovereign, of which every one will now approve. But it was not favourably regarded at the time it was proposed. Jealousies innumerable interfered with its progress towards completion. " An act was passed for a treaty about it, and, in the following summer, in a subsequent session, commissioners were named, who went up to treat about it. But they made no progress; and the thing fell so soon, that it was very visible it was never intended in earnest." (Burnet's Own Times, i. 492, ed. 1823.) Only two persons besides the King are brought before us in this letter ; the Royal Commissioner Lauderdale and " Robin Moray." Both live in Burnet's pages in such curious contrast that we cannot but quote what he says of them. Of the former, the Bishop re- marks, " I knew him very particularly. He made a very ill ap- pearance: he was very big: his hair red, hanging oddly about him: his tongue was too big for his mouth, which made him bedew all 20 LETTERS FROM that he talked to, and his whole manner was rough and boisterous, and very unfit for a court. He was very learned, not only in Latin, in which he was a master, but in Greek and Hebrew. He had read a great deal of divinity, and almost all the historians, ancient and modern ; so that he had great materials, and a copious but unpolished expression. He was a man, as the Duke of Buck- ingham called him to me, of a blundering understanding. He was haughty beyond expression, abject to those he saw he must stoop to, but imperious to all others. He had a violence of passion that carried him often to fits like madness, in which he had no temper. If he took a thing wrong, it was a vain thing to study to convince him ; that would rather provoke him to swear he would never be of another mind ; he was to be let alone, and perhaps he would have forgot what he had said, and come about of his own accord. He was the coldest friend and the violentest enemy I ever knew : I felt it too much not to know it. He at first seemed to despise wealth; but he delivered himself up afterwards to luxury and sensuality, and by that means he ran into a vast expense and stuck at nothing that was necessary to support it. In his long imprison- ment a he had great impressions of religion on his mind ; but he wore them out so entirely that scarce any trace of them was left. His great experience in affairs, his ready compliance with every thing that he thought would please the King, and his bold offering at the most desperate counsels, gained him such an interest in the King that no attempt against him, nor complaint of him, could ever shake it, till a decay of strength and understanding forced him to let go his hold. He was in his principles much against popery and arbitrary government; and yet, by a fatal train of passions and interests, he was for the former, and had almost established the latter. And whereas some by a smooth deportment made the first beginnings of tyranny less discernible and unacceptable, he by the • [During the Commonwealth.] MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 21 fury of his behaviour heightened the severity of his ministry, which was liker the cruelty of an inquisition than the legality of justice. With all this he was a Presbyterian, and retained his aversion to King Charles I. and his party to his death." (Own Times, i. 173.) To this frightful character, that of Sir Robert Murray stands in striking opposition ; in writing it, at any event at the commencement, the Bishop seems to have had in view Clarendon's character of William Earl of Pembroke. " He was the most universally beloved and esteemed by men of all sides and sorts of any man I have ever known in my own life. He was a pious man, and in the midst of armies and courts he spent many hours a day in devotion, which was in a most elevating strain. He had gone through the easy parts of mathematics, and knew the history of nature beyond any man I ever yet knew. He had a genius much like Peireski as he is described by Gassendi. He was afterwards the first former of the Royal Society, and its first president ; and while he lived he was the life and soul of that body. He had an equality of temper in him that nothing could alter; and was in practice the only Stoic I ever knew. He had a great tincture of one of their principles, for he was much for absolute decrees. He had a most diffused love to all man- kind, and he delighted in every occasion of doing good, which he managed with great discretion and zeal. He had a superiority of genius and comprehension to most men ; and had the plainest but with all the softest way of reproving, chiefly young people, for their faults, that I ever met with." (Own Times, i. 101.) KING CHARLES II. TO THE EARL, AFTERWARDS DUKE OF LAUDERDALE. Whithall, 2 Nouember 1669. Though Robin Moray has by my derections answerd your letters, and tould you how well I am satisfied with your proceedings in Scotland, yett I cannot forbeare the repeating it to you my selfe, and 22 LETTERS FROM withall to tell you the true sence I have of your industry and dex- terity in the whole proceedings. I shall not say any thing particu- larly now concerning the vnion, because Robin has at large tould you my thoughts in order to what is to be done on your parts, which I thinke you will aprooue of when you consider the length of our Parlament deliberations heere, and how inconvenient a long sessions there would be in all respects. I shall say no more to you now but to assure you of my kindnesse and constant frindship. C. R. [Addressed] — For my Lord Commissioner. [Seal.] — A lozenge-shaped seal, bearing, on a shield, under a crown, quarterly, 1. and 4. France and England; 2. Scot- land ; 3. Ireland. The shield had the letter C. on one side and R. on the other, but in the present case the seal has not been so placed on the wax as to give an impres- sion of the C. [Indorsed]— From King Charles the 2d to ye Duke of Lauderdale, 1669. A list of the commissioners alluded to by Burnet as having gone up to London " to treat about it " is an apt illustration of the pre- ceding letter. VI. LIST OP COMMISSIONERS NOMINATED BY KING CHARLES II. TO TREAT ABOUT THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. CHARLES R. The nams of the tuentie-fyue comissioners nominated by his Matle for the kingdome of Scottland to the treatie of wnione. The Commissioner. The Archbishop of St. Andrews. The Ld Chanclour. MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OP AUTOGRAPHS. 23 The Ld Privie Seal. The E. of Athole. The Earle of Home. The E. of Dumfermling. The E. of Lothiane. The E. of Tueeddale. The E. of Kincardine. Bishope of Dumblain. Bishope of Galloway. Ld Kegister. Ld Adwocat. Ld Hattone. L<* Stairs. Lord Newbyth. Mr. William Arskine. Sr Rob. Morray. Sr Archbald Morray of Blakbaronie. Sr Robert Synclair. Sr Alex. Frasser. Sr William Bruc. Sr Andrew Ramsay. Sr Patrik Morray. The list as originally prepared comprised the names of " Sr Georg Lokart," " Sr Francis Scott," and " Sr Jhone Harper." These names were struck out, and those of the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, the Earl of Home, aud Lord Newbyth were inserted in their stead. Galloway was also inserted as the title of the Bishop after " Dum- blain," which was left blank in the original. VII. LETTER VII. is one of the most curious of this valuable selec- tion. From the business we pass at once into the midst of what was 24 LETTERS FROM esteemed " the pleasure " of the reign of Charles II. NELL G WYNNE, it is well known, could not write. Eeceipts have been found among the Exchequer Documents signed with her rudely formed initials, E. G., but only one letter authenticated in that man- ner has hitherto been published. That letter is printed in Cunning- ham's amusing Story of Nell Gwynne, p. 151, and is singularly like the present one in style, although from Cunningham's description it is peculiarly unlike it in character of handwriting. It may there- fore be inferred that both were dictated by the lady herself. The date of the letter now published may be approached with certainty. The writer mentions her eldest son, Lord Burford, who was created a peer by that title in 1676 (Courthope, p. 83); again, she mentions her youngest son, Lord Beauclerk, as being about to go into France. Lord Beauclerk died in Paris in 1680 (Cunningham, p. 150.) The date therefore lies between 1676 and 1680. Again she says, " We don't know whether we shall have peace or war." There was no question of peace or war during the reign of Charles II. after the treaty of Nimiguen, which was ratified on the 8th August 1678. The probability seems to be that this letter was written in the June of that year. Of the letter itself it is not too much to say that it is scarcely pos- sible to conceive a composition more singularly characteristic, both in style and contents. As to the former, it possesses the qualities which in all probability distinguished the conversation of Nell Gwynne herself — " the indiscreetest and wildest creature that ever was in a court."* It is lively, emphatic, free-spoken, hearty, clever, and vulgar. It relates to a host of the rouds and loose fish of the Court of Charles II. In the midst of this disreputable group appears the King. Nothing that has ever been published is calculated to produce a livelier impression of the state of the Court of Charles II., than this most singular effusion. a Burnet's Own Times, i. 457, ed. ] 823. MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 25 NELL GWYNNE TO MR. HYDE. pray Deare Mr. Hide a forgive me for not writeing to you before now for the reasone is I have bin sick thre months & sinse I recoverd I have had nothing to intertaine you withall nor have nothing now worth writing but that I can holde- no longer to let you know I never have ben in any companie wethout drinking your health for I loue you with all my soule. the pel fhel is now to me a dismale plase sinse I have uterly lost Sr Car Scrope b never to be recourd agane for he tould me he could not live allwayes at this rate & so begune to be a littel uncivil, which I could not sufer from an uglye baux garscon. Ms Knights c Lady mothers dead & she has put up a scutchin no beiger then my Lady grins scunchis.d My lord Ro- chester e is gon in the cuntrei. Mr Savil f has got a misfortune, but is upon recovery & is to mary an hairres, who I thinke wont wont [sic] have an ill time ont if he holds up his thumb. My lord of * Mr. Hide is conjectured to have been the handsome Lory or Lawrence Hyde, second son of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, created Earl of Rochester in 1682. In May and June 1678 he was at the Hague on diplomatic business. (Correspondence of Clarendon and Rochester, i. 16, 20.) b Sir Carr Scrope was created a Baronet 1667-8, and died unmarried in 1680. He was one of the witty companions of Charles II., and author of various poetical effusions, to be found in Dry den's Miscellanies. Johnson notices him in his life of Rochester. c Mrs. Knight, a singer of great celebrity, and a rival to Nell Gwynne in the tender regard of Charles II. She is mentioned by both Evelyn and Pepys, although the tatter had not heard her sing up to the period at which his diary closes. The name of her Lady-mother has not been found. d Probably the writer misplaced the n in this word, writing scunchis for scucUns. We have not been able to identify Lady Green. e John Wilmot, the poetical Earl of Rochester, who, as Johnson remarked, " blazed out his youth and his health in lavish voluptuousness," and with " avowed contempt of all decency and order." The history of the contrast presented by the close of his life is a well-known book by Bishop Burnet. He died on the 26th July 1680, at the age of 34. f The gentleman who could govern by rule of thumb was Henry Savile, the future Vice-Chamberlain, for whom see the Savile Correspondence, edited by Mr. W. D. Cooper for the Camden Society in 1858, The projected marriage did not come off. CAMD. SOC. D 26 LETTERS FROM Dorscit* apiers wonse in thre munths, for he drinkes aile with Shad- well b & Mr Haris c at the Dukes house all day long, my Lord Burford d remimbers his sarvis to you. my Lord Bauclaire e is is [sic'] goeing into france. we are a goeing to supe with the king at whit- hall & my lady Harvie/ the King remembers his sarvis to you. now lets talke of state affairs, for we never caried things so cunningly as a The Earl of Dorset was one of the wildest of the mad companions of the merry monarch. His doings are written at large in all the scandalous chronicles of that period. Nell Gwynne was living with him as his mistress when the King took a fancy to her, and the terms of the bargain and sale by which she was transferred to the sovereign may be read in Cunningham, p. 68. Dorset or Buckhurst, for the latter was his title whilst Nell Gwynne lived with him, is more creditably known by his song " To all you ladies now at land," and by his conduct at the elose of the reign of James II. His life is included among Johnson's Lives of the Poets. b Thomas Shadwell the poet, who owed to the influence of the Earl of Dorset his appointment as laureate on the ejection of Dryden at the Revolution of 1688. However mean his poetry, his conversation is said to have been highly witty and amusing. From his companionship with Rochester and Dorset, it is not to be wondered at that it was also often indecent and profane. c Joseph Harris, the celebrated actor, who drew sword for King Charles I. at Edgehill, and lived to delight the town, after the Restoration, with his Othello, Alexander, Brutus, and Catiline. Pepys describes him as a man of most attractive qualities. " I do find him a very excellent person, such as in my whole acquaintance I do not know another better qualified for converse, whether in things of his own trade or of other kind ; a man of great understanding and observation, and very agreeable in the manner of his discourse, and civil as far as is possible. I was mightily pleased with his company." Lord Braybrooke stated in a note to Pepys (ii. 196) that Harris probably died or left the stage about 1676. The present letter postpones that date for a year or two, and Dr. Doran in his most amus- ing treasury of information respecting the drama ( Their Majesties Servants, vol. i. p. 63), dates his retirement from the stage in 1682, and his interment at Stanmore Magna in 1683. d Lord Burford, as we have already noticed, was the elder of Nell Gwynne's two chil- dren by the King. He Was born 8th May 1670, created Loi d Burford on the 27th Decem- ber 1676, and Duke of St. Alban's on the 10th Jan. 1683-4. e Lord Beauclerk, Nell Gwynne's younger son, was born 25th December 1671, and died, as we have before remarked, at Paris, in September 1680. f Lady Harvey was Elizabeth, sister of Ralph third Lord Montagu of Boughton, after- wards Earl and Duke of Manchester. Elizabeth married Sir Daniel Harvey, a conspi- cuous person at that time; as ranger of Richmond Park he gave shelter in his house to Lady Castlemaine during her quarrels with Charles II. Her ladyship, according to Pepys, rewarded Lady Harvey by encouraging " Doll Common," or Mrs. Cory, who was the MR. TITE'S COLLECTION OF AUTOGRAPHS. 27 now for we dont know whether we shall have pesce or war, but I am for war and for no other reason but that you may come home. I have a thousand merry conseets, but I cant make her write um & therfore you must take the will for the deed, god bye. your most loueing obedunt faithfull & humbel . sarvant E. G. *#* On the suggestion of several Members of the Council of the Cam- den Society, and from a persuasion that it is advisable to trace the posses- sion of valuable manuscripts, and to record the prices paid for them at sales, Mr. Tite permits us to add the following particulars respecting his acquisition of all these letters, except that of Charles I., the time and manner of the purchase of which have been forgotten. That of Cromwell came out of the collection of Mr. Daws on Turner, sold by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, in June 1859, lot 588. It was pur- chased at £ 47 5s. That of Blake was bought from a private collection sold at Messrs. Sotheby's, lot 80, August 2, 1851, and cost £ 2 12s. Qd. That of Monk was purchased out of Mr. John Wilson Croker's collec- tion, sold by Messrs. Sotheby in May 1859, lot 123, £ 4. That of Charles II., with the illustrative paper, were lots 154 and 155 in a sale at Messrs. Puttie^ and Simpson's, on the 16th of July, 1859, and were purchased at £ 6 19s. 6d. Finally, the letter of Nell Gwynne was purchased at Mr. Singer's sale by Messrs. Sotheby, on the 3rd August, 1858. It was lot 80, and pro- duced £ 3 12s. distinguished representative of that character, to mimic Lady Harvey on the stage, in the character of Sempronia. Lady Harvey " provided people to hiss her and fling oranges at her," and, that being unsuccessful, procured the Lord Chamberlain to imprison her. Lady Castlemaine " made the King to release her," and a great disturbance was excited both in the theatre and at court. In the mean time Sir Daniel Harvey was sent away ambas- sador to Constantinople. SIB FKANCIS DEAKE'S MEMORABLE SEKVICE DONE AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN 1587. WRITTEN BY EGBERT LENG, GENTLEMAN, ONE OF HIS CO-ADVENTURERS AND FELLOW- SOLDIERS. NOW FIRST EDITED, FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, TOGETHER WITH AN APPENDIX OP ILLUSTRATIVE PAPERS, * BY CLARENCE HOPPER. PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY, M.DCCC.LXIII. INTRODUCTION. jOF all the expeditions undertaken by Sir Francis Drake that of 1587 — when he was reluctantly dispatched by his perplexed sove- reign to Spain, to curb the gigantic preparations of Philip the Second for the invasion of this country — must be acknowledged as the most happy in its conceptions, and the most brilliant in its results. In less than two months from the time of his departure from Plymouth, the intrepid admiral completely swept from the coasts of Gallicia, Portugal, and Andalusia every description of craft, from the formidable galley to the humble trawl, bearing the flag of, or politically connected with, the dynasty of Spain. Drake's achievements in that brief space of time are absolutely unparalleled in the annals of naval warfare. In his rapid progress he annihilated the tunny fishery, upon the annual success of which the Spanish nation almost exclusively depended during Lent and other seasons of abstinence. To a devoted Catholic nation such a loss, in that age, was a serious if not irreparable calamity. In the harbour of Cadiz he destroyed ten thousand tons of shipping, besides warlike stores and provisions of incalculable value, which had been laboriously gathered from the widely-spread dominions of Philip, and from other countries in alliance with the crown of Spain, to furnish supplies for the renowned, and so-called " Invincible," Armada. The* signal discomfiture and loss inflicted upon the Spaniards 4 INTRODUCTION. necessitated a postponement of their long-meditated invasion of our shores; whilst England, by the activity, courage, and skill of Drake, gained an additional twelvemonth for making preparation to resist her formidable and implacable foes ; but that which was of infinitely greater importance, her gallant sea-captain had fairly tested the vaunted superiority of the large Spanish galleys, and taught his followers to despise them. In a few hours he demonstrated their unfitness to cope with the lighter vessels of Britain. Such a lesson was not lost upon his countrymen in the following year, when Drake saw the fulfilment of his boast, that four of the Queen's ships were more than a match for the new-fangled and unwieldy argosies of Spain. This terrible visitation on the coasts of the Spanish monarch Drake, who appears to have been as witty as he was bold, was wont jocosely to term " the singeing of King Philip's beard" From Cadiz Sir Francis directed his course towards the Azores, where his customary good fortune attended him. Off the island of Terceira he fell in with and captured a stupendous and richly -laden carrack, returning from a lengthened voyage to the East Indies. As well from the commodities as from the journal, charts, and other papers and documents found on board that prize, our merchants learned for the first time the immense commercial resources of the East. It was, in fact, the capture of this magnificent vessel that suggested the first idea of establishing the East India Company. The name of Drake, although he did not live to see the company incorporated by royal charter, is thus identified with the most superb acquisition of the British crown. Successful and brilliant as were the results of this memorable expedition, it is very remarkable that fewer details of it are generally known than of any other in which Drake had a share. With the INTRODUCTION. O exception of the brief account in Hakluyt, and a briefer one contained in a contemporary tract preserved in the Grenville Library, and asserted to be unique, entitled "Newes out of the Coasts of Spain" 4° Lond., 1587, (which no doubt was written by Captain Thomas Fenner, vice-admiral in succession to Captain Burrough,) nothing further with respect to this expedition has been published. - As the present relation contains the fullest particulars, both with respect to the attack upon the previously conceived impregnable harbour of Cadiz, and the fortunate seizure of the treasure-laden San Philippe, it necessarily constitutes an equally important and interesting addition to our naval history. Of Robert Leng, the author of the following pages, nothing whatever is known. It is not improbable that he was one of the volunteer soldiers to whom Drake makes allusion in his letter to the Council under date of March 3, 1587 : " There are here at this presente [in Plymouth] a great nomber of goode and serviceable soldyers, which voluntarilie have resorted hither to serve in this action, as this bearer, Captaine Marchaunte, who hath seene the trayninge of them, can geive your Lordships to understande." (Add. MS. 9294, fol. 136.) And again in his letter to Walsingham of the 2nd of April following: " If your honor did now se the nett under sayell, and knew with what resollu- cyon men's mynds dow enter into this accyon, as your honor would rejoyce to se them, so ye would judge a small force would not devyd them. I asure your honor, uppon my credytt, ther are many suffycyent men in this accyon, yeat there hath dyvers start from us within this tow dayes past, and we all thinck by some practys of some adversary es to the accyon, by letters written ; they are most maryners', we have soldyers in their place." (Dom. Corresp. S. P. 0.) In spite of these cowardly desertions, there were many stout and 6 INTRODUCTION. valiant hearts left behind, to accompany the naval hero to the scene of his successes, amongst whom we may number the penman of this narrative. Seaman, soldier, or gentleman-adventurer, allured to sea by the brilliant reputation of Drake, this was manifestly his primary voyage. His plain, straightforward, and sailor- like story, which differs in no essential particular from what is known of the expedi- tion, is a guarantee for his accuracy and faithfulness. He fills in a picture of which before we possessed only the bare outline. Unpretending, whether in his capacity of soldier or writer, he reminds the reader that he is " wanting in both learning and skill in arms ;" nevertheless a history such as this, coming to us fresh from the pen of one of the devoted followers of Drake, can scarcely fail, from its terseness and simplicity, to be attractive to most readers. Leng's unbounded admiration of his commander is an additional proof (were it needed) of the singular estimation in which that greatest of sea-captains was held by his men, and the entire narrative tends (indirectly at least) to show how unjust were the prejudices which the peace-party in the divided Court of Elizabeth, at the most critical juncture in her reign, entertained against him. Drake, by virtue of a commission, was no sooner despatched upon his errand, than (with the vacillating policy of the Queen's advisers) a missive was hastened after him, urging a more moderate routine of hostilities, and doubtless considerably qualifying the previous instructions. Sir James Croft, the Comptroller of the Eoyal Household, than whom no one entertained a stronger prejudice or exhibited more determined animosity against Drake for his audacious proceedings in the Indies, fearing a repetition of his conduct upon the Spanis coast, which would inevitably destroy all hope of effecting a treaty INTRODUCTION. 7 of peace, actually carried his opposition so far as to publicly accuse the Admiral of defrauding her Majesty of treasure, in jewels and bullion, to an almost fabulous amount, and corrupting with his ill- gotten spoils not a few officers in her navy. It is scarcely necessary to add that this desperate scheme of the Comptroller for preventing the sailing of Drake, even for an hour, utterly failed. No credence whatever was attached to his extraordinary accusation ; it passed unheeded alike by the Council and the public. To have traced this original commission and instructions under the Queen's hand would have been important, as manifesting the full extent of authority committed to the commander of the expedi- tion ; but unfortunately research has been without avail to discover any record of the same, none appearing to exist other than the date quoted in the " Agreement with the Merchant Adventurers," and a kind of abstract to be found in a letter from Burroughs to Drake dated 30 April, 1587, in these words: "As I take it, the substaunce of the scope that is given you [Drake] is this, for that by information the kinge of Spaine is preparinge a greate armie by sea, parte at Lisbone and other in Andolozia, and within the streightes, all which was judged should meete at Lisbone, and the same to come for Eng- land or some parte of her Mates domynions, her Mates pleaseur is by advise of her highnes counsaile that you, with these shippes now under your charge, should come hether to this cape and uppon this coaste, and seeke by all the best meanes you can to impeache there purpose and stoppe theare meetinge at Lisbone (if it might be), whereof the manner how is referred to your discression. This is the effect of your instruccions as I remember, &c. * * * I doe not finde by your instruccions any advice to lande, but I remember a speciall caviatt and advice given you to the contrarie by the Lord Highe Admirall." 8 INTRODUCTION. The despatch sent after the captain of the fleet, advocating a milder and more temperate course of action, never reached him : adverse winds enforced the messenger to come home, and the govern- ment, unable to punish the humble bearer of their letters, in its eagerness to appease foreign policy, threw the entire odium of the matter upon Drake, avowing its intention, on his return, to call him to account for that which, in its own estimation, was little else than an act of daring and unauthorised piracy. The Editor has been fortunate enough to discover, not only the bill of lading of the San Philippe, but also various statements of the actual amount of treasure which Drake and his companions brought home with them in the summer of 1587, together with some few other unpublished papers bearing upon the same expedi- tion. Two letters, moreover, from Sir Francis himself, affording his own description of the attack, the which are already in print (but in tracts so rare and curious that it may well excuse their re-production), must not pass unnoticed. These he has thrown into an Appendix, as illustrative of the text ; and trusts that they will be considered useful and interesting adjuncts to the modest and un- varnished narration of Robert Leng. CLARENCE HOPPER. Denmark Road, Camberwell, September 1, 1862. Anno Domini 1587. Annoque Itegni Regine Elizabethe xxix° . The true Discripcion of the last voiage of that worthy Captayne, Sir Frauncis Drake, knight, with his service done against the Spanyardes ; collected by Roberte Leng, gentleman, one of the said voiage. ALTIOR FORTUNA VIRTUS. CAMD. soa To the Right Honorable Arthur, Lord Grey of Wilton, and Knight of the most honorable Order of the Garter, Eoberte Leng wysheth increase of honor and all happynes. Consyderinge, (Eight honorable,) that the loue of our country serves for a touchstone to trye the pretious nature of true nobilitye, whome truth hath puryfied in her burninge fornace ; I was incyted by the zeale I beare you to present yow with theise fewe crookeed lynes, the pythe whereof discribes the true voiage of that worthy knight, Sir Frauncis Drake, in whose company my self, being one of the least yett in affeccion agreable to the best, earnestly desyerd to patronage this copye under your honors proteccion ; knowing that wysdom wynckes att small faultes, where the foolyshe make all faultes. Thus, hopeinge of your favorable acceptaunce, I comytt your honor's happy enterpryces to the guidinge of the Allmightye. Your honor's to comaunde, ROBERT LENG. Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem Testa diu. \_Hor. Epist. lib. i. Epist. ii. 69.] TO THE BEADEE. IT is imagined "by the Poetes, gentle reader, that Minarva the goddesse of Learninge was paynted with a speare and a shelde, thereby intendinge that, as she favored learninge, soe she guided the course of warr. Off whome althoughe my selfe am not worthye to be protected, (being soe sacred and syncere a goddesse,) wantinge both learninge and skyll in armes : yett herein am I bold- ened, by the courtesye of your favors, to shadowe my accions, and the full effect of theise my enterprices under your frendly judgementes; which I hope you will not misinterprett, consyderinge yt contayneth the excellent prowesse of soe martiall a man, whose worthye actes may commende him for pollycye a secondeVlisses, for martiall affayres an other Hector, and for profitable goverment a new Licurgus : which shyninge vertues (to illustrate soe blessed a comon welth,) may neyther by right be obscured nor hindred to sett fourth the comfort- able brightnes thereof. Theise causes, friendly reader, (rather then my owne devyse,) make me presume to present unto your discretions this true discourse, warranted with the sayinge of that mirror Alex- ander, who lyked the rude poemes of wytlesse Chedllus because they contayne the happy nes of Homer. Your lovinge frend, Ko: LENG. THE PKEFACE. WHEREAS yt hath bene th'order of all antiant orators, in the behalfe of the honor and credytt of every of there severall provinces and countryes, to regester, imbooke, or incronicle all such worthye persons, both for prowesse and pollycye, as by there valyant actes have deserved perpetuall remembraunce of there worthynes : soe I have thought good (thoughe farr inferior in learninge or eloquence to any of tbeise learned orators, yett not behynd them in good will), to sett fourth in particularytyes the most noble actes and attemptes of our valyant and fortunate Champyon, Sir Frauncis Drake, knight. The which he hath done of late with his courragious company to his and there great honor, the comodytye and credytt of there countrye; the lyke never in any age done by any subject, which, to them that have not sene them or bene att the doeinge thereof, might seame most incledible or att the least most invincible : and which were great obsurdytye for us his frendes and countrymen to drowne in the syncke of oblivion, whereby our poster [it]ye shoulde condem, eyther our ignoraunce in disablynge us, or our folly in not discribinge the worthynes of his magnanimtye, for th'incouragement and credytt of them and country hereafter. My selfe, amongst the least, being loth that soe valiant a man shoulde be forgotten, havinge bene in this his last voiage and sene his worthynes therein, have boldely taken upon me (thoughe unlearned) to sett downe in this my booke his particuler and most valyant actes and exploites, as truly as my remembraunce will geve me leave : more respectinge to have his name to be had in famous remembraunce, then eyther comendacions to my selfe (which my desertes cannot pbtayne,) or the feare of the envious reporte of the malitious, who had rather have all men deade men, lyke them selves, then that they shoulde lyve in future 14 THE TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE remembraunce of our posterytye ; th'effect whereof as breeffly as I can gather hereafter followeth. On the fyrst day of Aprill, beinge Satterday, our Generall, Sir Frauncis Drake, havinge stayed att Plymouth 8 dayes fully to furnishe his flete ; the next day followinge, beinge Sonday, and the seconnde day of the same mounth, we all put out to sea, in number 25 sayle: videlicet, the Elizabeth-Bonaventor, admirall; the Golden Lyon, vize-admirall ; the Dreade-naughte, reare admirall; and the Raynebowe: theise 4 the Queen Majesties shipps, the rest beinge marchaunt shipps and pynnisses. And soe, kepinge our course towardes Portugall, on Monday the 3. day in the forenone, (havinge a faire wynde,) we had in chasse two sayles, who in shorte space we brought under our lee ; who, being 2 men of war of Lyme, our generall comaunded them to attende his flete for better assystaunce in his voiage, to whose courteous comaundement they willingly obayed ; and on Wednesday next, the 5. of the same mounth, we discried the lande of Galizia, and costinge towardes the North Cape within 2 dayes followinge we were dryven by extremitye of wether to sea, where for the space of 7 dayes in a tempest we were tossed, in which saide tempest we lost a lytle pynnisse called the Martigo, and all our flete severally disperced; but, (God be thanked !) by the carefull advice and comaundement of our Generall, within one day and a night after we were all gathered together againe. And kepeinge our course towards the South Cape, on the 17. day of Aprill, we say led by yt : dy verse of our small barkes and pynnisses shoreinge in, and chasseinge within there bayes there small barkes and carvells, and where we tooke one ; and so from thence we bore on to the Estwardes, and on Wednesday in th'afternone, the 19. of the same mounth, we arryved within the rode att Cales, where we founde a great flete of shippes rydeing. Soe sone as we were discried, 2 of there gallyes made towardes us, and, judging what we were, they made haste into shore againe, not offeringe to shoote one shott att us ; yett, before they coulde retorne, our Admirall with VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 15 others of out flette shott them thorowe, and slew ten of there men : presently there came fourth from the towne ten other gallyes, and foughte with us, but we applyed them soe well with our great ordenaunce, that two of them were fayne to be hayled up that night. In the meane tyme the marchaunt ryall and the rest of the marchaunte shipps, our flete, made staye of dyverse of there shipps, which had cutt there cables, and hoiste there sayles, to have gotten over to Porte Ryall, St. Mary Porte, and to other harbors nighe there unto. Some escaped, but most of them were stayed, whome when we boorded, moste of there men leaped into the rode and swym to shore. The same night our generall, havinge, by Godes good favor and sufference, good opportunitye to ponishe the enemy e of Godes true Gospell and our dayly adversarye, and further willinge to discharge his expected dutye towardes God, his prynce, and country, begun to synck and fyer dyverse of there shipps. Amongst which there was one argocye sunck, (sore against all our wills,) which had in her as yt was reported 36 brasse peces. The next day the Gallyes made dy vers bravadoies upon us ; the towne and other there fortes also played upon us all the day longe, but did us lytle hurte ; savinge that the master gunner of the Golden Lyon had his legg broke with a shott from the towne. The same day and nyght following our generall (to performe and fynishe his good service, and knowing there noe place of stay,) begun to burne afreshe, amongst which there was one shipp of the Marques de Ste Cruses burnte, which was thought to be a shipp of fyftene hundred tuns, and had in her 500 tuns of iron : we did burne in the whole aboute 30 sayle all of great burthen, soe that I judge we spoyled him 7000 tons of shippinge: we burned and brought away with us 500 tuns of breade, we also burned 400 tuns of wheate, we also spoyled him 2000 tuns of wyne, besydes great quantitye of oyle. And all our shipps well furnished with wyne, bread, oyle, and other necessary es. This great provicion of shippinge and victualls (as the Spanyardes saide,) were prepared against Englande. But the Allmightye God, knowinge and seeinge his wycked intent to ponishe, molest, and 16 THE TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE treble his lytle flock, the children of Israel, hath raysed up a faith- full Moyses for the defence of his chosen, and will not suffer his people utterly to fall into the hands of there enimyes. Our good God did soe mercy fully and favorably assyste our happy e generall and leader, in this shorte tyme of service, as was most marvelous : for the 21. day in the morninge, by 2 of the clock, we came out of the rode, and, when we were a lytle out, we fell becalmeed, and ten gallyes followed us, and fought with us all that forenone; but whether for lack of powder and shott, or by reason of the heat of the day, I know not, or some of them shott thorowe, which was most lykelest as we judged, they lay a looffe of for the space of three howers ; never after durst come within our shott. Which our generall seeing, that afternone sent to the captayne of thoise galleyes, to knowe yf he had any Ynglyshe men in the gallyes as slaves there, as also to will him to delyver unto him 5 Ynglyshe men whom they had taken with a carvell att our comynge into Gales, by reason she was soe farr behynde us, the which carvell we had taken the day before : and he wolde delyver soe many Spanyardes or Portugalls for them. Att which tyme he sent his bote to our generall, presentinge him with suckett,* and such other novelltyes as they had, certyfyinge him that they had none, but onely thiose whome they had taken with the carvell, who were lyvinge, and in the towne att Gales: to satysfye which, yf yt pleased him to stay untyll the next day, they wolde make his request knowne unto the governors of the towne, and wold retorne to him againe with answere. But, as by our generall's judgment he perceaved there dissymulacion and there intent to defarr tyme, for to accomplyshe some other there devellish practyse, (and fyndinge the wynde for his purpose and large,) that night bore out to the sea ; not makeinge any accompt of there true meaninge or dealinges towardes him in retorne ; after which tyme of departure, we tooke att sea a flyebote of Dunkyrke, which was sent to Englande, as hereafter shall appere. Within fewe dayes after, our Ajax, his myride beinge moved to * Sucket, a kind of sweetmeat. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 17 spende some further tyme in his prynces service with his courragious company to aggravatt the honor of his fame, on the 4. day of May, by tymes in the morning, was landed by his appointment 1000 men, (18 antient,) who with bolde courrage marched thorowe there corne and vyneyeardes, for the space of fyve myles, towardes the towne of Lawgust And where we see afarr of about 400 horsmen bravely horssed, but very yll manned ; for they never durst come within muskett shott of us, having noe great shott on shore. But when we came within muskett shott of the towne, we found yt stronger then was certyfyed us, eyther by reporte, or expectacion: for yt hath on the lande syde, where we ment to make our entraunce, strong walles and fortes of late buylte. And we might also per- ceave in the towne att least 3000 men, who, with their great ordenaunce and other their small shott, shott att us and over us; att which tyme certayne of our men were hurte. To revenge which our admyrall with a shott from his shipp made to the horse- men, slewe one of there horsses under them, and with dyvers of our shott from our shipps and pynnisses hurte and slewe dyvers of there men. After which we marched back againe, stayinge att least two bowers, expectinge there comyng for combatt, but none came; whereupon that afternone we, noe further proceedinge againste them, retyred to our shipps againe. And the next day, being the 5. of May, our generall say led towardes the south capes, Cape Saker and Cape St. Vincent, where we landed about 800 men, all muskett, small shott, and pykemen: meaninge to satysfye his valyant mynde in doeinge some worthye exploytes upon our enimyes lande. When we had landed our men, and in order, marching by his direccion from our landing towardes a forte called Avelera, upon which was a flagg, and from which forte, when they see us so boldly to approch them, they fledd unto there great forte or castle Cape Saker, which forte, called Avelera, with certayne brass peces we tooke: which with certayne of our men was kept. All the rest of our men marched towardes the mayne forte or castle, the walles whereof were esteemed 30 foote hye, and ten foote brode. And on the est, CAMD. SOC. C 18 THE TRUE DESCRIPTION OF TEIE south, and west yt is all a mayne rock, without passage; att least 30 fawthem highe, and 15 brasse peeces there within planted. And as we marched a long by them, they shott att us, but did us noe hurte. And then and there by the comaundement of our generall 30 muskett shott went and skyrmished with them in the castle, and, when they had contynewed sometyme in skyrmishing with them and spente moste of there powder and shott, they all retorned to our mayne battle againe: having noe man slayne, but some a lytle hurte. Upon which our generall sommoned the captayne of the said castle to parly, comaunding him to yelde yt upp, which he then utterly denyed. Whereupon our generall sent for woode from our shipps to sett on fyer th'uttermost gate. And he him selfe to see the same acte performed, with great industry, carryed of the said woode and other provicion in person, and did helpe to sett yt on fyer; whylest the vauntgarde of our mayne battle skyrmished with them in there faces on the walles. Duringe which tyme of our feight with them we had two of our men slayne outright, and dyvers sore hurte. In which tyme the captayne of the castle being sore wounded, and they all within to the number of 20040 (240 ?) wounderfully daunted with our bolde enterpryces, put out there flagg of trusse, and yelded: when we entred, and fynding within the said castle the foresaide number of 20040 (240 ?) persons, our gene- rall most favorably lycensed them to departe. The same day, they of the Cape St. Vincent, (being a Fryery,) and in effect as stronge as the foresaid castle with ' another strong forte nere unto yt, (after somons by our generall geven,) sent there keyes unto our generall ; them selves flying away and leavyng behynde them dyvers great brasse peces. And the next day after, being the 6. of May, we departed to our shipps, who ridd in the harbor, under the castle ; leaving the said castle and the other fortes all on fyer. And in which harber we lay without resystaunce of the enimye untyll the tenth day in the morninge, from whence we put out and hoisted sayles towardes Castcales, beinge aboute 40 leages distaunt from our former harber ; and where we rode att VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 19 anker most of that day in contempt of the said towne of Castcales, the castle, and eight of the Kinges gallies. And which towne and castle shott att us, but (thanckes be to God,) we were by his providence allwayes shelded from perell ; we lay att anker that day within seight of Lyshborne, which ys the chefest cittye in all Portugall, and where we tooke one car veil, which our generall sent that afternone to a great forte or castle called S1 Julyans, where the Marques de Santa Cruses was as leavetenaunt for the Kynge; willing him to send all such Ynglyshmen as were captyves in the gallyes there, and he wolde delyver soe many Spanyardes or Portugalls for them ; as also to knowe, yf the Kyng his master did determyne to make warres this yere against Englande : which yf he did, that then he was there to waste him for England. But the Marques sent him this worde againe, that (as he was a gentleman,) there was none. And further sent this worde unto our generall, that the Kyng was not provided this yere ; when our generall sent to knowe yf he wolde have three yers warninge. Yett, notwithstandinge, to knowe howe God worketh with his elect and howe the enimyes of his truth are not ashamed stoutly to stande in there arrogancye and errors, styll mayntayninge there causes withe falshoode and lyes ; but they have there rewarde with there master and author thereof : for we founde letters upon a Portugall whome we had then taken, and which he had wrytten to his frendes, that the kynge had made proclamacion in the country, that he wolde to Englande this yere, and wolde not leave one a lyve of mankynde above the age of 7 yeres. But, as the hen doth gather together her chickens, noryshinge and defendinge them from the fury of sarpentes, even soe our good God with the wynges of his marcye (his mightye name therefore be praysed !) hathe and doth noryshe and defend us, as instrumentes of his truth. That night towardes evenninge we weaed anker, and from Castcales put out to sea, retorninge to our former harber Cape Saker ; where we moored our shipps, furnishinge them with freshe water and ballest, as also refreshinge our men on shore for the spuce 20 THE TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE of 6 dayes. In which, tyme of our staye there came a neeger to our shipps, who was hastely pursued by Spanyardes on horseback, makeing greate scearch for him on shore. And which neeger beinge brought on boorde our generall, he certyfied him that there was come to Lawgust [Lagos] ten of the kynges gaily es, unto which place our generall the next day say led, beinge distant about 4 leages ; and when we were come soe nere them, soe as our great ordenaunce wolde reach them, we gave them our brode sydes, when they for rescue fledd under the rockes : where, for lack of water and further daunger, we coulde not come nere them. They also shott att our shippes, but did us noe harme. And as we sayled a longe the shore, our pynnisses chasseed within there bayes- there small vessells and fysherbotes, soe that they run them selves on shore, and sunck them selves. That night our admirall with the rest of our fleete put roomer * to sea, and the next day in the morning, beinge the 19. of May, put into the same place againe ; where we landed about 400 men, nere unto Algaferra, who sett on fyer a fysher vyllage, and soe retorned to our shipps againe. We have burnt, sunck, and spoyled a great number of small vessells, carvells, and fysherbotes, some loden with orees [oars?] for the kynges gallyes, some with hoopes, pypebordes, fyshernettes and such lyke trashe. No we, after all this tyme of service againste the Kynge of Spayne, even att his doore and under his nose, our generall determyning to travell (to accomplyshe his intent,) to the Ilandes of Tercera, ap- pointed Captayne Parker, captayne of the flyebote of Dunkyrke, Captaine Byman, captayne of the French man, which we brought from Cales, and other 3 small barkes for England; in whome was sent all our syck, lame, and deszeased men, who on Monday the 22 of May parted from us. And that night, about midnight, there arose a great tempest, which contynewed untyll Thursday the 25 ; in which tempest we were all sore tossed, our admirall beinge in * An old nautical term, " To go or put roomer,'1'' to tack about before the wind. Per- haps derived from the French remuer. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 21 great daunger. The next day, beinge Fryday, the 26. of May, William Burrousse, then supposed captayne of the Golden Lyon, seinge us all sore distressed, and understandinge that our generall wolde goe for the ilandes, he, without leave takeing of our gene- rall, put roomer for Englande. And soe we, havvinge lost in the forsaid tempest all our marchaunt shipps, were left onely in number 9 sayles, who alltog[eth]er willingly sayled towardes the said ilandes of Tercera; who, after 16 dayes spent att the sea, on the 8. day of June, beinge Thursday in the forenone, we discryed the Islande Saynte Michells, under whiche ilande towardes night we escryed a great sayle; which our generall judged to be a man of warr. And, for that two of our pynnisses were farr a starne our flette, he comaunded the Raynebowe to lye a lee and come a stayes; which done, in the morninge by day we discryed a great sayle, who by our judgment made towardes us, and we, havinge a prettye gale of wynde, with all spede made towardes her; but by that tyme we had sayled towardes her aboute one leage, we might perceave her to be a mighty shipp, which was then called a carract, having out her Portugall flagg, a reade crosse: which she tooke in, and put out three or four tymes to the end we shoulde discrye our selves. But we, knoweinge what she was, wolde put out noe flag uiityll we were within shott of her, when we hanged out flages, streamers, and pendentes, that she might be out of dout to knowe who we were: which don, we hay led her with cannon shott, and havinge shott her thorowe dyvers tymes, she shott att us, sometymes att one, sometymes att an other. Then we begun to applye her whotelye, our flyebote and one of our pynnisses lyinge thwarte her hawsse, att whom she shott, and threwe fyer workes, but did them noe hurte: for that her ordenaunce lay soe hye over them. Then she, seeinge us redye to lay her on boorde, all of our shippes applyinge her soe hotely and resohitly, determyned to make shorte with her: sex of her men beinge slayne, and dyvers sore hurte, they yelded unto us ; whome when we boorded, we founde to be the Kynge of Spaynes owne shipp come from the Est Indyes, called by his owne name 22 THE TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE Phillipp, and the greatest shipp in all Portugall, rychly loden, to our happye joy and great gladnes. There were also in her 400 neegers, whome they had taken to make slaves in Spayne and Portugall, whome our generall with the captaine and his company, to the number of 20040, (240 ?) put into our flyebote to goe whether they lyst. And further delt most favorably with them, giving them most lyberally : and soe about ten of the clock they departed from us, and as we thought to the Hand S** Michells, and we in lyke sorte made our course for Englande: which fortunate lande on Sonday, the 25. of June, before day, we discried, fallinge with the ilande Cyllye, and nere the rockes. And on Monday the 26. we arryved att Plymouth, where we all, to our great cornfortes, gave thanckes to God for our prosperous voiage, safe retorne, and his great benefyttes. Whence theise benyfyttes precede is rather to be referred unto the devyne providence of the Allmightye, who, with the eternitye of his power, ruleeth the earth, then the hidden misterye of his wyll to be scearched into. The auntient Romauns renowmed for there prowesse Allmightye God hath heretofore (beinge hathen men) plentyfully powered [on] them the benyfyttes of his grace, as amongst them Scipio, amongst the Carthaginians the valiant Hanniball, amongst Gretians Achilles, and amongst the Trojans Hector ; who, being both barberous and rude men, were taught by the lawes of nature to preferr the honor of there country before the respect of there lyves. And, as the wyse philosopher Solon was wounte to say, noe man is borne for him selfe but for his countryes cause ; soe hath this faythfull generall consyderately performed the office of a Christian captaine in scourginge the enimyes of the truth, in enrychinge his country, in gevinge generall and evident example of vertue to all such as valiant courrage shall here after annymate or styre up to doe the lyke. There are many boStinge salivators, who, carpinge att shadowes att home, doe seeke to wyn credytt from laborious and venterous captaynes, and, lyke drones, repayer to the hyve to suck the hony from the paynefull bees ; but this VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A,D. 1587. 23 valiant Captayne, leavinge carped service to them that seeke the gaynes thereof, hath (to the glorye of God, for that all we doe must be referred to that sacred purpose,) abayted the courrage of the prowde enimje, discovered many secrett practyzes intended to his sacred and swete prynces, who lyke a faithfull mother norisheth her children, defendes them from the bloodye myndes of enimyes, and, lyke a carefull pastoresse, feedeth her shepe and defendes them from the teeth of tearing wolves, who sytt barking att the mone, on the mountes of Albion, whose tounges the two-edged sworde of our Jehova I wyshe to cutt of, and lett his brasen rodd bruse the bones of thoise secrett wolves, that coutch them safely in the woodes of Saba, and lurcke in the wynter amongst the braunches of our ceeders, whiche Jehova send prospcrytye to his lytle England and adde more ages to Elizabeth. FINIS quod Ko. LENG. APPENDIX OP LETTERS AND EXTRACTS FROM STATE PAPERS CONNECTED WITH THE EXPEDITION. CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. No. I. — Drake's Agreement with the Merchant Adventurers . . .26 II. — A list of the Merchant Adventurers . . . . .27 III. — Instructions from the Council despatched after Drake's departure . . 28 IV. — Walsingham to Stafford. Countermand of the original Instructions . 29 V. — Sir F. Drake to Mr. John Fox. Account of the Attack upon Cadiz . 30 VI. — R. T. to Dr. Gifford. Another relation of the spoiling of Cadiz . . 34 VII. — Advices of Sir F. Drake's proceedings before Cadiz (sent out of France) . 35 VIII.— John Wrothe to Lord Burghley. Foreign opinion upon Drake's movements 38 IX. — Stafford to Walsingham. Announcement of Drake's success . .38 X. — Spanish Correspondence (taken in the voyage) relative to the English Expedition . •. >' . '-V « '. *'* J . ' '.i. . 39 XI. — Drake to Master W. Touching his progress »;i j. <.,';, ji-V' . 42 XII. — Lo. Treasurer and Lo. Comptroller to Andreas de Loo. Explanation of the conduct of the Government in reference to Drake's Voyage . . 43 XIII. — Lord Burghley to Andreas de Loo. Disclaiming Drake's authority for his depredations !. '. •' . . . ^- "'•'.' .44 XIV. — Request of the Merchant Adventurers for an equitable share in the Spoil . 45 XV. — News of Drake after the Attack before Cadiz •• • \ •- . ,'• . .46 XVI. — Letters to M. Giacopo Mannucci. State of alarm on the Continent, and probable results consequent upon Drake's continuing his aggressions . 47 XVII. — Report of Gilbert Tison. Grief of the Spaniards at the loss of the Carrack. Escape of the West Indies' fleet . . -'^.'- "• . . 48 XVIII. — Commissioners (for ordering the contents of the Carrack) to the Council . 49 XIX. — Valuation of the Goods contained in the San Phillippe . . .50 XX. — Contents of a Casket found in the San Phillippe . r t*,i; . . 52 XXI.— The Partition of the Spoil . . . : .. ,;• . .53 CAMD. SOC. 26 APPENDIX. I. — [DRAKE'S AGREEMENT WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.] [Lansdowne MS. 56, fol. 175.] Whereas it hath pleased her most Excellent Matie to grant unto me, Sir Frauncis Drake, knyght, hir commission, bearinge date the fiftenth day of March in the nyne and twenty yere of hir Maties raigne, for a service to be don by me the said Sir Frauncis with fowre of her Maties shippes and two pynacies ; and whereas Thomas Cordell, John Wattes, Pawle Banninge, Symon Boreman, Hewghe Ley, Robert Flycke and their partners, mer- chaunts of London, have also prepared at their own proper costes and charges tenne merchaunte ships and pinnaces, also for hir Maties service ; wherefore I, the said Sir Frauncis Drake, doe by virtue of my saide commission covenant, promisse, and graunte to and with the said Thomas Cordell, John Wattes, Pawle Bannynge, Symond Boreman, Hewghe Ley, Eoberte Flycke, and their partners, for the better performance of the pretended service, to consorte with the saide merchauntes shippes, which I do also receive under my goverment ; and that whatsoever commoditie in goodes, money, treasure, marchaundizes, or other benefitt whatsoever shall happen to be taken by all or any of the foresaide shippes or their company, either by sea or lande, that the same shalbe equally devided accordinge to their proporcions (that is to say), man for man, and tonne for tonne, to be devided at the sea presently after the possession therof ; or so sone as winde and weather will permit ; provided always, that whatsoever pillage shalbe had either by sea or land, shalbe devided indifferently, viz. — the one half to the company in hir Maties shippes, and the other half to the company of the merchauntes shippes ; and for the better satisfyinge of both parties, there shalbe meet men putt abord of either fleet to have speciall care thereof ; and for the performance herof, I, the said Sir Frauncis Drake, have hereunto sett my hande and seale. Yeven the eightene day of March, 1586, and in the nyne and twentie yere VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D 1587. 27 of the raigne of our soveraigne ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Quene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. Vera copia et examinata per me EICH. MAY, Not. Pub. (In dorso) 18 Martij, 1587. The compact betwixt Sir Franc. Drak and the companye of certen merchantes as cowncill. II. — [A LIST OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.] [S. P. O. Domestic Corresp.] The Names of the Suertyes to be bounde to her Matie for L ml li. Thes are parteners, Sr Francis Drake, knyghte. n Thomas CordeU, mercer. Rycharde Barratte, mercer. Paule Bannynge, grocer. Heughe Lee, grocer. William Garraway, draper. Roberte Sadler, habardasher. Symon Boreman, haberdasher. Jhon Stockes, fyshemonger. Jhon Wattes, cloth woorker. Edward Holmden, grocer. Androwe Bannynge, grocer. Francis Terrell, grocer. Robarte Flycke, draper. George Barnes, habardasher. Rogar Howe, habardasher. Johne Jackson, clotheworker. Jeames Lancastar. Robarde Barrette. Anthony Dassell, skynner. (Indorsed) 31 Oct. 1587. The names of the suerties to be bownde for the 50,000U to her Matie. 28 APPENDIX. III. — [INSTRUCTIONS FROM THE COUNCIL DESPATCHED AFTER DRAKE'S DEPARTURE.] [S. P. O. Domestic Corresp.] After our harty comendations, "Whereas uppon sundry advertisementes and intelligences, receaved at divers tymes this last winter, very provably reported as well out of Spayn as from other cuntryes, of great numbers of shippes and other provisions for the sea, prepared by the said K., with intent (as it was given out) to employ the same in some attempt, ether against this realme or the realme of Ireland : Hir Matie did thinke it very convenient, both for hir honnour and for necessary defence, to have some strength of shipping at sea, to prevent or withstand such entreprises as might be attempted against hir H. said realmes 6r dominions, to sett forth to the seas under your charge certayn of hir own shippes, with further authority given you to take and calle into your company as well certayn shippes sett out by some of the marchantes of the city of London, as also such other shippes of this realme as you should finde abroad at sea, and to employ them as you should see cause for hir Maties service. Since your departure, hirMatie being otherwise advertised, that nether the said preparations were so great as was reported, and further, that they are of late dissolved ; divers shippes as well of the East cuntryes as also of Holland and Zeland, who had been before stayd uppon pretence to furnish the said preparations, being discharged and licenced to return home ; * and perceaving also, by some other matter that hath proceaded from the said K. of Spayn and his ministers, that he is desirous that the unkindenes and jarres happened of late yeares between hir Matie and him might be in some honorable sort compounded ; hir Matie, being for hir part loth for those considerations to exasperate matters further then they are, or to give cause to the world to conceave, by anie thing that may procead from hir or anie of hir ministers or subiectes, that the present alteration between the said K. and hir is mainteyned or nourished by hir, otherwise then forced thereunto for hir own defence, hath comanded us to signify unto you in hir name, that hir expresse will and pleasure is, you shall forbeare to enter forcibly into anie of the said K's portes or havens, or to offer * The paragraph commencing here with the words " and perceaving" and terminating with " hir own defence " has been specially marked in the original. VOYAGE OF SIB FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 29 violence to anie of his townes or shipping within harborough, or to doe anie act of hostillity uppon the land. And yet, not withstanding this direction, hir pleasure is that both you and such of hir subjectes as serve there under you should doe your best indevour [as well by force as other- wise,]* to gett into your possession (avoyding as myche as may lye in you the effusyon of Christian blood,) such shipping of thje said King's or his subjectes, as you shall finde at seas : ether going from thence to the East or West Indies, or returning from the said Indyes into Spayn, and such as shall falle into your handes to bring them into this realme without break- ing bulke, untill her H. pleasure shall be further made knowen unto you in that behalfe. (In dorsoj 1587, 9 Apr. M. to Sr FRA. DRAKE. IV. — [COUNTERMAND OF THE ORIGINAL INSTRUCTIONS.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. France.] Walsingham to Sir Ed. Stafford, 21 April, 1587. Sir Frances Drake, as I doubt not but you have heard, is gon fourth to the seas, with fower of her Mates shippes and two pinnaces, and betwene twenty and thirtye merchauntes shippes. His Commission is to impeach the joyning together of the K. of Spaynes fleete out of their severall portes, to keepe vittalls from them, to followe them, in case they should be come forward towardes England or Ireland, and to cutt off as many of them as he could, and impeach their landing ; as also to set uppon such as should ether come out of the West or East Indias into Spayne, or go out of Spayne thether ; but now, uppon knowledge reseavid that the K. doth dissolve his preparacions, havinge alreadye dischardged th'Easterlings, there is new order sent unto Sir Frauncis Drake to take a milder course, for that he was before particularlye directed to distresse the shippes within the havens themselves. ft The words here included in brackets are struck out. 30 APPENDIX. V. — [SiR FRANCIS DRAKE'S OWN ACCOUNT OF THE ATTACK.] [Harl. MS. 167, fol. 104, and printed at the end of Thomas Greepe's Exploites of Sir Fr. Drake, a poem, 4°. Bl. L. London, 1587.] To my very lov[inge friend Mr. Jno. Fo~\xe, preacher, hast and post hast. Mr. Foxe, whereas we have had of late [suche happy successe] against ye Spanierds, I doe assure my selfe that you have faithfully remembred us in your good prayers, and therefore I have not forgotten briefly to make you partaker of ye somme thearof. The 19th of April we aryved with [in] Gales roade, where we found much shipping; but, among ye rest, 32 shippes of exceeding great bur- then, laden, and to be laden, with provision and prepared to furnishe ye Kinges navye, intended with all speed against England; the which, when we had boarded and thearout furnished our shippes with such provision as we thought sufficient, we burned ; and, although for ye space of 2 dayes and nights that we continewed thear we were still endangered, both with thundering shott from the towne, and assaulted with the roaring canons of 12 galleys, we yet sonck 2 of them and one great argousey, and still avoided them with very smale hurt ; so that at our departure we brought away 4 shippes of provision, to the great terror of our enemyes and honor to ourselves, as it might appear by a most courteous letter, written and sent to me wth a flagge of truice by D. Pedro, generall of ye galleys. But whereas it is most certayn that the K. doth not only make speedy preparation in Spaine, but likewise expecteth a very great fleet from the Straights and divers other places to joine with his forces to envade Eng- lande, we purpose to sett aparte all feare of danger, and by God's further- ance to proceed by all good meanes that we can devise to prevent their coming ; wherefore I shall desier you to continew a faithfull remembrancer of us in your prayers, that our present service may take that good effect as God may be glorified, his church our Q. and contreye preserved, and the enemy of the truth utterly vanquished, that we may have continewall peace in Israeli. From aboord her Maties good shipp the Elizabeth- Bonadventure, in very great hast, this 27 of April, 1587. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 31 Written by the hande of your obedient sonne in the Lorde, William Spenser, and subscribed with Sr Fr. owne hand in this sort, Your loving frend, and faithfull sonne in Christ Jesus, FRANCIS DRAKE. [An addition written with Sir Francis' owne hand.] Our enemyes are many, but our Protector comandeth ye whole world: let us all pray continewally, and our Lorde Jesus will helpe in good tyme mercifully. Your ever, FR. DRAKE. [ Upon the back of this document, which is a copy only, appears another in the same handwriting with the foregoing, but slightly imperfect at the commencement, the first line or two being almost illegible. It is evidently a narrative of the attack in the harbour of Cadiz by one of the actors in the affair, and tallies most minutely in its detail with the account of Robert Leng.~\ The 19. of April one hour afore sonne sett he entred the harb[our] . . . whear he was at his . the towne with vj galleys, but the same retorned sone In the road thear were about 60 shippes besides other small vessells [that] rode under their forteresses, whearof about 20 Fre[nch] shippes fled to Porte Eoyall and some Spanierdes whose flight we could not hinder by reason of the schalles [shallows ?]. At our entry with our shott we sunck one argozey of about 1,000 tonne that caryed 30 brasse peeces and was very ritchly laden. Thear were before night about 38 shippes undertaken, and we victors of the roade, for the galleys retired to their forteresses. Thear came presently from S* Mary Porte 2 galleys and other 2 from Porte Royall, but in vayne, for their chiefest gaine was expence of pouder and shott. Of 20 hulkes Hollanders confiscate to the Kinge whose goodes were sould to his use 14 were fyered, the other 6 scaped to Porte Royal ; we fyered a carrick belonging to the Marquize of Sancta Cruce of 1,400 32 APPENDIX. , tonne. We fyred also 5 great Biscayns, whearof 4 weare lading and takinge in of victuals to the Kinges use for Lisbone, and the fivth, bey[ng] a shipp of 1,000 tonne, was laden for the Indies with iron spikes, nayles, iron hoopes, and horseshoes. Also 3 flyboates of 300 tonne laden with biscuict, whearof one was halfe unladen before in the harborow and thear fyered ; the other two we tooke away with us. Some 10 barckes more laden with wyne, raysins, figges, oyle, wheat, and such lyke we fyered. Thear were by supposition 38 barckes fyered, sonck, and brought away, which amounted unto 13,000 tonne of shipping. Thear ridd at Porte Royall in sight of us by estimation above 40 sayle, beside those that fled out of Gales Roade. During our aboade they gave us small rest by reason of their shott from the galleys, forteresses, and shoar, whear continewally they placed new ordinance at places convenient to offende ; which notwith- standinge, we continewally fyered their shippes as the flood came inn, to the end to be cleared of them ; the sight of which terrible fyers were to us very plesant, and mitigated the burthen of our continewall travayle, whearin we were busied for 2 nights and one day in dischardging, fyering, and lading of provisions], with reservation for good, laudable, and guardable defence of the ennemy. It pleased God by the general's great care and paynes day and night to finish this happy action in her Maties service in one day and 2 n[ights], and came out againe the Fryday in the morning without the loss of any one man at the action, or any hurte but only the master gunner of the Golden Lyon, whose legge was broken with a great peece from the towne ; but the man like to doe well, God be thancked. In a small carvell that was taken the night before were 5 of our men without the generall's knowledge, because he hasted the enterprize with all expedition, which was very needful, because the sonne was not above one houre high at our approach. This carvell beyng far asterne came in very late, so as the galleys intercepted her with much shott and many musketts, but they would never strike, and so was taken, which was all the losse that we sustayned. Tenne galleys came forth after us, but as to make sport with their ordinance ; at length the winde skanted, and we cast about for the shoare, VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 33 and came to ankor within one league of Gales, whear the gallyes suffered us to ryde quietly. Thre of those galleys after some sporte departed the same day to Sfc Lucar to fetch other thre galleys and one galliace that were thear, as we understood, by advertisement of some of our prisoners. There were also 3 flybotes at Malega laden with bread and bound for Gales, and so for Lisbone, we understand of great provision and forces, provided within the straights ; but we doubt not but God, as he has given us this happy victory to the daunting of the enemy, will also blesse this armye, and thearwith dayly cutt theyr forces shorter, to his great annoy and to the honor of our Prince and contry, which God for ever continew. "We have now tryed by experience the galleys' fight, and I assure you that her Maties 4 shippes will make no accompt of 20 of them, incace they might be alone and not driven to guard others. Thear were never galleys that had more fitte place for their advantage in fight, for, upon the shot that they receaved, they had present succour from the towne, which the[y] used sundry tymes ; we riding in a narrow gutt, the place yealding no better, in that we were driven to mainteyn the fight untill we had fyered their shippes, which could not be conveniently done but upon the flood, for they might drive cleane Coff.] We rest victualed with bread and drinck for 6 monthes in our shippes, and have besides twoe flyeboates full laden with bread sufficient for a good army for thre monthes. We all remayn in great love with our generall and in unitye throughout the whole fleet. It may seem strange or rather miraculous that so great an exploict shold be performed with so small losse; the place to endomadge us beyng so convenient, and their force so great, as appeared, from whom were shot at us at the least 200 culverine and canon shott; but in this as in all others our actions heartofore, though dangerously attempted yet happely performed, our good God hath and dayly doth make his infinite power manifest to all papistes apparantly, and his name be by us his servants continewally honored. CAMD. SOC. 34 APPENDIX. VI. — [ANOTHER RELATION or THE SPOILING OF CADIZ.] [Lansd. MS. 96, Art. 24.] Good cosen Gifford, lo here a full amendes that I wrote nott newes to yowe but to Dr Stillinges in my other; after whiche 3 houres, I send these partyculers ; for I wrote onely to him in generall, that Draecke had played his pagent, and retorned home : here the maner ho we. The 29. of Aprill last he discov[er]ed him selfe before Calz in Spayne, where, the wynde and wether failinge him, as God would, he could nott in twoe dayes after enter the ryver, but upon Saterday he did : in this meane tyme they prepared ther selfes, planted artilerye upon ther bridge, and furnyshed ther gallies. The marchants strangers, beinge very many in numbre, abandoned all ther shipps, so as 22 of them wer sonke and takinge with- oute any resistance, whereof he caryed onelye away withe him vj. whiche he spoyled upon the seas, and after sonke them also; his spoyle he gott is small, or nothinge woorthe to England, greate losse to the awnners, whiche were all Spaynerdes and Italyans, of Venis, Luca, Florenteze, Genua, save one shipp of a Frenchman's woorthe some viij or 10,000 A, the whole losse in generall (for Don Diego, who wrote the newes, wrote also the particu- lers), dothe not surmount to above 170,000 A; whereof the Kinges parte is leste of all, not vijm A in vitailles, for gallies he lost none, but Don Marquis del Ste Cruce lost his owne princely barke, estemed at the valewe of 18,000 A, whiche warmeth him, who, for feare of lossinge his honor before, well [was?3 always hinginge backe frome inedlinge or matchinge withe Englishe pirates. The rest be most of it the said 4 states of Italics, who vowethe and swearethe the robberye and arrest of all Englishe shipps they can come by in Italy or els wher: this, cominge upon the necke of the infamye of murderinge the Scottishe Quene, will hasten hir ruyne no doute. Sure all reporte they fought most valyantly, withe what losse onlye them selfes knowe ; but the fight was reasonable longe, and God gave to the gallies duringe a marvelouse calme, to ther great advantage and the ennymies spoyll, yet was it nott noted that any of Draeckes shipps were sonke presentlye, thouge most of them banged vylye, and no doute many of ther men slayne and hurte. But when Draecke see ther pretence prevented and provyded for, and the towne forewarned of ther comynge, he perceyved they had had advertissement, and so retyred. Ther pretence to have taken VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 35 that have (sic) ther, and so to have in those strayttes joyned with Mores, Infydells, and other, to have all traffycke frome Spaine, ether from the Indyans, or from Mare Mediterraneum, a dyvelshe device, yf it had taken successe. Here Waid and the Embassadour swearethe, that some of the pryvie counsell at home be trayters, and bewrayed the mater, and so have overthrowen the realme. God be praysed, he spedd no better ; ether this or nothing will maike seeke revenge. These newes beinge so trewe, so particular, and so freshe, I doute nott but I have maid yowe amendes, good cosen : yea, I suppose as yett yowre pinces ( sic) ther have not these particulers, and therefore use them as yowrs, but rede them not in the Hall, tyll Mr D. Styllinges have redde his, whiche be onely but 3 houres older. Adieu, once again, good cosen ; comend me most effectually to yowre mother and syster, I trust all thre my frendes, this Corpus Christi even. Your cosen, R, T.a ( 'Addressed J A. Monsr, Monsr Docter Giffort, Au semynarie des Anglois, Reme. VII. — [ADVICES OF SIB FKANCIS DRAKE'S PROCEEDINGS BEFORE CADIZ (SENT OUT OF FRANCE).] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. France.] Advis de ce qui est passe a Calez, en la conte tf Andalowsie : Tarmee d'Angle- terre, commandee par Franqois Dracq, y estant arrive' le xxix6 jour du moys d'Apvril, 1587. Le Mecredy 29 Apvril, sur les cinq heures du soir, Tarni^e d'Angleterre feust descouverte, venant droict a Caliz, ou Don Pedro de Acugna estoit avec sept galleres: 1'un desquelles il envoya pour recognoistre quelz vaisseaulx ce pouvoient estre, et ladite gallere sestant approchee a la portee du canon fut tire par les Anglois, ce qui la feit retourner dans le port, a quoy Ton cogneust que c'estoit ennemis. L'alarme se donna incontinent par toute la ville, qui se mit ez armes, faisant retirer dans la 8 Query Robert Throckmorton ? The families of Gifford and Throckmorton were allied by marriage. 36 APPENDIX. forteresse les femmes et toutes personnes in[capables] a Ja deffendre, et pour la confusion a quoy ils se trouverent, vingt sept femmes et enfans se trouverent estoufFez en la presse, et a 1'entree de ladite forteresse. Le gouverneur et les principaulx de la ville meirent incontinent le meilleur nombre de les gens aux advenues les plus dangereuses, et ou Fennemy pour- roit plustost desembarquer : et pendant que chacun se inettoit ez armes dans ladite ville, fust despesche au Due de Medina Sidonia a St. Lucar, et a toutes les villes et lieux circonvoisins, pour leur demander secours. Ce pendant ung nombre de* gens a cheval et de pied feirent ung corps de garde au pont, le lieu le plus commode pour desembarquer : autre nombre flit envoye pour empescher que 1'ennemy ne rompit ung pont par lequel debvoit entrer le secours. Les ennemys, estans entrez dans le port? commencerent a mettre a fondz tous les navires qui se trouverrent devant eulx ; entre autres ung grand navire Genevoye charge de marchandise, fort riche, cinq autres d'Espaigne chargez et appareillez pour aller aux Indes, et ung grand gallion Biscain du port de 700 tonneaulx; et tous lesditz vaisseaulx se perderent ; car 1'ennemy mettoit le feu a tous, apres en avoit tire ce que bon luy sembloit. A 1'encontre de ladite arme"e fust prise dans le port par une gallere une barque, ou estoient quatre ou cinq Anglois, desquelz feust sceu que ladite afmee estoit venue en tierze jours d'Angleterre a Caliz, avec deliberacion de saccager la ville. Don Pedro da Acugna ce pendant faisoit tout le debvoir avec ses galleres d'endomager I'ennemy, 1'artillerye du quel, estant de plus grande porte"e que celle des galleres, les contraignit de se retirer. Toute la nuict se passa en grande trouble et confusion dans la ville, et 1'ennemy ay ant trouve lesdites galleres dans le port, et voyant la resist- ance que Ton se preparoit de luy fere, ne luy fit aucun effort de mettre gens a terre; et prins pour meilleure party saccager et brusler les vais- seaulx, qui peut aborder, en quoy Dieu fit une grande grace a ce peuple, car la peur et la confusion 1'avoit laisse merveillesement troubled Les villes et lieux circonvoisins toute la nuict furent marches leur secours, et une partie y entra sur la dianne, et le reste sy acheminant et y entrant d'heure en heure. Le jeudy, le jour estant venu, les galleres se meirent autre fois en debvoir d'attacquer I'ennemy, auquel demeura tant d'avantage pour la quantite et force de son artillerye, que les galleres feurent contrainctes de se retirer. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 37 L'ennemy envoya force barque pour mettre le feu aux vaisseaulx, qu'il pouvoit aborder ung grand gallion du Marquis de Ste Croix, du port de 800 tonneaux, charg6 de vins, et fut aborde par 1'ennemi cinq autres vaisseaulx Biscains, six ou sept Turques, chargees en partie de munitions de guerre et victuailles, et tous feurent saccagez; puys apres 1'ennemy mit le feu dedans. Le dit jeudy, au matin, 1'ennemi feyt contenance de voulloir entre- prendre de rompre le pont, par lequel il voyoit entrer le secours ; toutes fois voyant deux galleres, et quelques vaisseaulx ordonnez pour le deffen- dre, ne fit aucun effort. Sur le midy Tarmee se mit en tresbon ordre, et montrerent £ leur contenance voulloir fere & la voille: mais le vent ne le servit pas, et sur- gireit ; autres fois cependant Tartillerye des galleres et de la forteresse ne cessa de tirer pour endommager; mais la scienne portait trop d'avantage a 1'autre, de sorte qu'il n'en fut aucunement offence, et fit tousjours retirer les galleres. Le jeudy, en tout le jour, entrerent dans Caliz trois mil hommes de pied de differendz endroictz, et trois cens chevaulx ; la plus grande partie estans conduictz par le Due de Medina Sidonia, qui entra sur le midy, et la ville fut asseure. La nuict estant leve"e, les gardes feurent assisse"s et renforcees, nonobstant que 1'on cogneust bien que 1'ennemy se voulloit retirer; et sur le minuit estant lev£ ung vent de terre l'arme"e se feit & la voille les galeres, en suiverent. Et, b, la mesme heure, le Due de Medina Sidonia depescha ung basteau leger pour suivre ladite armee, jusques a ce que Ton peut tirer certitude de la routte que Ten prenoit, qui est ce qui c'est passe jusques au vendredy matin premier jour de May. L'on estime qu'il peut emporter deux mil neuf cens pippes de vins, dix mil quintaulx de buiscuitz, dix mil charges de froment, et quelque quan- tite d'autres victuailles, et munitions de guerre ; grand nombre d'armes et d'artillerye, qu'il a tire de dix neuf vaisseaulx, qu'il a brusl£ dans le port. Aucuns estiment le dommage, que a faict ladite arme"e, importer de trois ou quatre cens mil escuz ; autres disent beaucoup davantage, ce qui ne se peut encores estimer en si peu de temps : Ton presume que ladite armee prendra la routte des Isles de Carrie, la Madere, ou la Tirsera, et qu'elle y fera tout 1'effort et dommage qu'il pourra d'en . . . chercher les flottes qui viennent des Indes, sur lesquelz Drac droict avoir son principal desseing. 38 APPENDIX. Rellacion des Navires de VArmee de Francois Dracq. Deux cappitaines grandz vaisseaulx, et fort bien faictz pour la guerre ; chacun du port de 500 tonneaulx ou environ. Deux amirailles de la mesme forme et port que les deux premiers. Ung grand navire de la mesme sorte, du port de 400 tonneaux. Deux gallions fort bien faictz pour la guerre, du port de 200 tonneaulx. Sept navires de 150 tonneaulx, a peu pres tous bien arme's, et pourveus de fort bonne artillerie. Treize fregottes, fort belles, du port de 50 tonneaulx ou environs. Les grandz navires maynant de service pour chacun deux ou trois bar- ques, fort legers, pour desembarquer 30 ou 40 personnes a chacune fois. Qui sont en tout vingt sept vaisseaulx, sans les barques sur lesquelles deux Anglois pris prissoniers ont diet ny avoir pas davantage de iiijm hommes, compris les mariniers. VIII. — [FOREIGN OPINION UPON DRAKE'S MOVEMENTS.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. Venice.] Mr. John Wrothe to Lord Burghley, dated Venice, May 7, 1587. The settinge oute of Sir Francesse Dracke to the sea is marvelouslie aproved in these parts, and affirmed to bee the onelie meane.s of hinderinge the prosperouse successes of the Spaniard's attempts ; the whiche is onelie maintained Avith the richesse and trade of the Indies, the whiche if her M. cann finde meanes to intercepte or lett, then no doute the Spaniarde will be constrained to come to a verie reasonable compositione. IX. — [ANNOUNCEMENT OF DRAKE'S SUCCESS.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. France.] Sr Ed. Stafford to Walsingham, May 17, 1587. There is a couriar come hether yesternight out of Spayne with newes of Sr Francis Drake's successe, which althoughe I thinke you have allredie, yet woolde I not leave to write ytt, as we heare ytt heere. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 39 Theie write that he hathe beene in the baie of Gales, where he hathe sounke and carried awaie twoe and twentie shippes ; that he had a great fight for the winning of the bridge and the towne, and that he verie valiantly assailed ytt, and verie hardly missed ytt, and that nowe he is retyred backe to the Cape. More, itt is said, that the Marquis of Ste Crux is at Lisbone, where is a preparation of great forces, and that he will be readie to come forthe the eleventhe of the next monethe. X. — [TRANSLATIONS OF SUNDRY CORRESPONDENCE TAKEN IN THE VOYAGE, RELATING TO THE ENGLISH EXPEDITION.] [Lansdowne MS. 53, fol. 21 &c.] Peter Arnaulte in Antwarpe the xxvth ofMarche, 1587, unto a freer e in Civile (Seville}. In Englande there be many shippes made readie, as also in Denmarke, and all for the warres in Spaine ; of their successe the tyme will give us knowledge ; yf you do upon any occasion sell any comodities for time, let the prise be raised muche more then for readie money ; for that the gallions are subiecte to mysfortune, and yf they shoulde miscarye with their golde, (which God forbidde!) we should hardly recover that which is owing us, &c. The said Peter Arnaulte the xxth of Apr ill, 1587, unto the aforesaid. That which doth give us discontent is, that it is certaynely knowne that there are gone many shipps of warre out of Englande, and in lyke manner from Hollande and Zealande, being (as they say) above 60 sayles ; yt is feared they are gone to meete the neete which is looked for from the Indies ; the which, bringing so great ritches as they doe, yt must needes encourage theym greatly to sett upon theym ; which God forbidde ! And it is the more to be feared and suspected, for that there dothe not appeare upon all the coast of France or England any shippes of warre; although yt be certainly knowne that there are many gone fourth. God guide all, and give us peace and bread, of the which there is great want. 40 APPENDIX. Francisco de Benito de Maiora, in the port St. Mary, the xxixth of Aprill, at nyne of the clock at night, unto the President and others the Kinges Officers of the Contractacion House of the Indies in Civile (Seville). The procuringe of the remeadie of this towne and gevinge advise to Shearies and Sfc Lucar, of the confusion wherein the English armye hath put us, hath bene cause that this poste departed not three hotires sooner, as otherwise he might have done. That which passeth is, about fower of the clock we hearde a great noise of ordynaunce in the bay, and sawe many sayles of shippes entering in. I wolde have gone to have seene what it was, but within two houres, which might be about sixe of the clock, there came in hither the Galliota, which brought tenne men verie soare hurt. The people of this towne are in armes ; there are in the baye two or three shippes sett on fire, but what they are we know not ; this is all that as yet we can learne. The President aforesaid, Antonio de Guevarra, and Ochoa de Vigenca, in Civile j the last of Aprill, to the Marques of Aimounte, in Leape. Presently there came a post from the Port S* Mary with a letter, the coppie whereof goeth herewith, by the whiche your honnour may under- stande, ther remayned in the Bay of Cadix an Englishe armye, beinge 40 great shippes, shootinge to the cittie, and burning shippes &c. : yt hath beene thought good to lett your honour understand thereof, to th'ende yf yow shall thinke good to seeke prevencion ; to the which effecte we dis- patched this post. It doth importe verie muche the Kinges service, that this advise be given to John Martiniz de Recalde, which is at the Cape with certayne shippes of warre: and therefore yt is convenient, it please yow, to dispatche a barke presently with a coppie of this letter, and an other from your honour, that he may repaire to Lixbone ; and in the barke let there goe a man sufficient to delyver him the said dispatches, in anie place where he maie fynde him, and what in this shalbe done, it may please your honour to advertize us. The Marques of Aimonte, in Leape, the 1st of May, 1587, unto John Marti- nez de Recalde ; with the coppies of the aforesaid letters, to be delivered him at sea, where he may lefounde. At the present wryting hereof, I receaved a letter from the president VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 41 and other the Kinges Maties officers of the Contractacion House of the Indies in Civile, the coppie whereof goethe herewith ; as also the coppie of an other letter wrytten unto them from the Port S4 Mary, and for that it is convenient for the Kinges service that your woorship should have advise therof, to th'end you might repayre with your shippes to Lixbone. I wryte this that there takinge councell of the Cardynall, and the Marques of Sta Cruse, yow may repaire to that which maie be most for the Kinges service ; and onlie to that effecte I did comaunde to dispatch this barque from Aimonte. Gregorio Gomiz, gallego in Lixbone, the ixth of Maie, 1587, unto Domingo Martinis, in Anger. The newes which I have to advertize your woorship of is, that, as it is comonly reported, there are fower fleetes of shippes gone out of Englande ; of the which one beinge of xxviij verie great shippes, xvij barkes, and one great galliassa, verie well appointed with ordenance, arryved in the Bay of Cadiz, where they pretended to have landed and sacked the cittie ; but (as God wolde) there weare tenne gallies that defended them, which th'enemy seeing, he ancored hard by the shipps he founde in the baye, beinge aboute xxix sayles ; and amongst theym Don Farnando his shippe, which came from th'Indies, bought by the Marques de Sta Cruse ; and of th'aforesaid nomber they caryed with them two verie great shippes, with above 1,500 pypes of wyne and 4,000 quintalles of biskett, and burned the rest. It is said they indamaged the K. above fyve hundrethe thow- sand duckettes, in 4,000 pypes of wines, 20,000 kintalles of byskett, 30,000 hannegas a of wheate and other provicions, which they burned and destroyed ; and more, they burned other two shippes, which weare laden for Brasill. Their fortune was so good, that the time served them at their pleasure to go into the bay and fourth againe; but whither they went from hence yt is not knowne. I wishe you to looke well to your- selves in that islande, lest they shoulde pretend to goe thither. As yet we have none order from Madrild touchinge this matter ; I knowe not whether there shall go any shippes of warre for that yslande or noe; God healpe tt Hannega or rather fanega, a Spanish measure of corn weighing about Icvvt. or some- what more than an English bushel. CAMD. SOC. F 42 APPENDIX. us ! for we are in great daunger venturinge by sea. Trulie I am in great feare of the shippe that did wynter in the Indies, for that I have in her a thowsarid duckettes adventure ,' God dely ver her from her enemyes ! I have not assured any parte thereof, and at this present I do not fynde that will assure yt at any prize. XI. — [LETTER OF DRAKE TOUCHING HIS PROGRESS.] [Printed in " Newes out of Spain," Bl. L. 4° 1587, in the Grenville Collection.] Maister W.a you shal understand that, since the departure of Captaine Crosse, we have continued about Cape Saker, where we landed, and the better to have the benefite of the water, as also to ride in harborough at our pleasure, we assaulted the same castle and three other strong holdes, which we tooke, some by force and some by submission. We have taken, at severall times, of shipping, barkes, and carvels above an hundreth, laden with hoopes, gallyoares, pipe staves, timber, and other provisions of the King of Spaines, for the furnishing of his forces intended against England, which we burned, and have consumed all the fisher boates and nettes thereaboutes, to their great hinderance. Thence we came before the haven of Lishbon, ancouring neere unto Cast Gales, where the Marques of S. Cruse was with his gallies, and seeing us chase his ships ashore, to take and carrie away his barkes and carvels, was content to suffer us there quietlie to tarrie and likewise to depart, and never charged us with one cannon shot. Thus, for want of time, I leave the discourse of everie particular event unto Captaine Parker, who hath beene an eie witnesse and an actor in all our services past. From Cape Saker abourd hir Maiesties good shippe the Elizabetha-Bonaventure, the 21. of May, 1587. Your loving friend, Fr. DRAKE. a Walsingham? VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1087. 43 XII. — [EXPLANATION OF THE CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT IN KEFERENCE TO DRAKE'S VOYAGE.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. Flanders.] Extract from Letter to Andreas de Loo, signed by the Lo. Treasurer and Mr. Comptroller, 14 June, 1587.a And whereas yt may be objected, that the employment of Sir Francis Drake upon the cost of Spaine hath moved the Duke [of Parma], (upon like jealosie conceaved thereby of the soundnes of her Mates disposition to the said peace,) to proceed as he doth ; yt may be answeared, and that both with honor and truth, that her Matie hearing sondrie waies, espetially by intercepting of divers Spanish letters, which are extant and to bee seen, that the King of Spaine had prepared a great navie to sea, with a full determination to have assayled this realme and the realme of Ireland, could do no lesse but to use all meanes to impeach the same by keping the said preparacion, being made in sondrie ports of Spaine, from joyning together ; for which purpose only the said Drake was sett forth. And yet, after her Matie was enformed that the said preparations were in some part staied, and did also find a disposition in the duke, upon your returne, that he was verie well bent to proceed to some good conclusion of peace, she caused an expresse niessinger to be sent by sea unto the said Drake with letters, by the which he was expresly comaunded not to enter into anie of the King's ports, or to attempt anie act of hostilitie by land; but only to explore the truth of the preparations, and to impeach the amassing of the same from port to port. And for that the partie sent with the said letter could never, by reason of contrary wynd, recover Sir Francis Drake, but was constreyned to returne back without meeting with the said Drake, whereby it was not delivered, her Matie since his returne hath caused him to be verie carefully examined upon the matter, with intent to have severely punished him : in case it had not been found (as it was) that he had done his uttermost endevor for the finding of the said Drake, and that he was impeached by contrary wynds. And for the better niani- a This is a draught or copy with corrections and interlineations added in Burghley's hand. 44 APPENDIX. festing of her Mates disposition therein, we can assure you that her highnes, understanding of some attempts of the said Drakes by land con- trary to her speciall direction, is greatly offended with him for the same, and meaneth at his retorne to carie him to his aunsweare for, which sheweth most apparantly the continuance of her Mates good disposition towards the peace, wherein we can assure you, yf there shalbe found there the like correspondencie and inclination, there was never greater hope of sound and spedy proceeding in the said treatie then at this pre- sent. XIII. — [LETTER or LORD BURGHLEY DISCLAIMING DRAKE'S AUTHORITY FOR HIS DEPREDATIONS.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. Flanders.] BurgTiley to Andreas de Loo, 18 July, 1587. Whan I had wrytten thus far and had red it over, being ready to sign it, I bethought myself that you wold thynk I had not answered on[e] great scruple mentioned in your letter by the duke remembred : which was, that he mislyked greatly the actions of Sir Fr. Drake, doutyng that they might alienat the Kinges mynd from the inclyning to peace: wherunto this answer ought to satisfye you, to be delivered if hereafter the duke shall reiterat that scruple. Trew it is, and I avow it uppon my faythe, hir Maty did send a shipp expressly, with a messadg by letters chargyng hym not to shew any act of hostillite, befor he went to Gales; which messynger by contrary wyndes cold never come to the place wher he was, but was constrayned to come home: and, hearing of Sir Fr. Drake's actions, hir Maty comaunded the party that retorned to have been punished, but that he acquitted himself by the oth of hym self and all his company. And so unwyttyng, yea unwyllyng to her Maty, those actions war comitted by Sir Fr. Drake, for the which hir Maty is as yet greatly offended with him. And now for his bryngyng home of a rych shipp, that came out of the Est Indias, I assure we (sic) the Q. knoweth not as yet of what vallew hir ladyng is; but, consideryng the great losses that hir sub- VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 45 jectes had, both by arrest of all their goodes in Spayne, and by takyng of ther persons, and oppressing of them to ther ruyn and deth, it can not be that this shipp nor many mo the lyk can satisfye ther former losses : and therfor, untill a peace may be made and fynished, hir Ma^ can not inhibit hir subjectes to sek ther helpes by reprisalls : nether can hir Ma^ leave to kepe hir shippes armed, or to send them to the partes of Spayn, as long as she shall certenly understand the contynuall preparations that the K. maketh, both out of Spayn and Itally, to have an army on the seas, with manifest intention to come to the invasion of hir contree^. And hereunto we add as an evill sign of inclynation to peace, in that we heare that dyvers of rebells ar lately gon out of France to the D. of Parma, accompanyed with the B. of Eoss disguised, to practise with the D. to offend this realm by the way of Scotland. XIY. — [REQUESTS OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS FOR AN EQUITABLE SHARE IN THE SPOIL.] [S. P. O. Dom. Corresp.] The spoiles of bread, wyne, oile, &c., which was taken at Gales, shold have byn sent home as merchaundize ; but, the Quenes shippes beinge victuled at their goeinge forth for not above 3 monethes, the same was deteyned to supplie their necessitie, whereas the merchauntes shipps were furnished for 9 monethes victules, to their treble charge, so that they require to have recompence accordinglie of the gooddes now sent home. And further, whereas there was a pynace sent forth to meete Sir Fraunces Drake, which hath taken a pryze worth 5,000" and better, the saide mer- chauntes desire to have there shares thereof accordinge to equitie, so shall they be incoraged to sett forward the like services hereafter. There be certen thinges concealed, which will secretlie be devided amonges theym that have least deserved, whereof a dilligent care for th 'ex- amination is to be hadd. (In dorso,} The requests of the Merchant Adventurers with Sir Francis Drak. 15 June, 1587. 46 APPENDIX. XV. — [NEWS OF DRAKE AFTER THE ATTACK UPON CADIZ.] [S. P. O. For. Corresp. Spain.] This shalbe to geve your honor to understand, that the armye which is mayd in Lyshbona ys as this ; they have xxiiij shipps, of the wich xv ar Portinggalls, and eight Biskins, and one of the Duck of Florence: the which shipps ar allredy with ther provicion on bord, and ther saylls a crosse. Butt at my coming a way they did want marryners, for ther staying was for the marryners of the shipps which Sir Frances Draycke burnd in Cay 11s, and the souldiers to com out of Napells : the which was reported ther should corn the third of Napells, and iiij galliasses, and xxx galles : the report was they weare all aryved at Calls. And so they maid ther accompt to be in Lichbona, to go fourth all together upon S* James' day to ineate with Sr Fraunces Draycke, and to wayte for ther Inges (Indies) fleete. Your honor shall understand, that this armye above written it was reported before Sir Fraunces Drayckes arry ving in Cayles, that they should goe for Ireland, and to carry with them the Iryshe Busshoppe, which is in Lichbona, for to proclayme him governor of Ireland under the Poppe. Further to lett your honor understand, Sir Frances Draycke arryved in Gaskaylles, which ys with in the sight of Lichbona, upon Whitsound Wed- nesday, after the Portinggaylles accompte, whiche maide all the people to avoyde the towne, both men, wemen^and children; and carryed with them all ther substance. So the cardinall was enformed by fyshermen of the same towne, that Sir Frauncis Drayckes stayinge was for the wantonye, for the wynning of the countrye ; and, presently upon the same, the cardi- nall sent for all his noblemen for to sitt in counsell of Sir Frauncis being ther. And that present day they mayd xxiiij Portinggall gentlemen captaynes, and mayd proclamacion aboute the cittie for souldyers, and some of the said captaynes were sent upp into the countrye to mayke souldyers in a readines; so, before my coming away, they had armed twooe portes with Portinggalles, which is Gaskalles and Penniche. More to geve your honor to understand, that they have maid in Lich- bona, since Sir Frauncis Drayckes a,rryvinge in Caylls, many peces of ordnaunce of coper, and of bells which weare broughte out of Flaunders, and before these weare made they weare not halffe provyded of ordnaunce VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 47 for ther shipping. Sir Frauncis Draycke haith so touched them in ther shipping and castells, that they were allmost unprovyded both of pro- vicion and ordnaunce. Allso to geve your honor to understande, that the report ys in all gentle- mens mowthes in the courte of Portinggaylle, that the Poppe, and the King of Spayne, and the King of Fraunce, the Ducke of Florence, with all the power they ar hable to mayke, [intend] to congquor England this next yeare, and saythe the Prince of Parnie shall com Generall, and that the Poppe haith graunted him to be Kinge of England, and to ayde and assyst him with all the power he is hable to mayke. (Endorsed,) July, 1587. Eeporte of the Spanishe Preparations. XVI. — [STATE OF ALARM ON THE CONTINENT AND PROBABLE KESULTS CONSEQUENT UPON DRAKE'S CONTINUING HIS AG- GRESSIONS.] [Harl. MS. 296, fol. 44.] Pompeio Pellegrini to M. Giacopo Mannucci, in London ; dated Florence, 3 July, 1587 (partly in cipher). The attempts of Sir Fr. Drake* upon those coastes [the coasts of Spain] do make them all to tremble, and yf, upon his entrynge into the porte of Calis? he had ymedyatly landed, he had undowtedly and without contrast13 put that rytch towne to sacke, and made a grete booty e, whiche they all expected, for the succors came not in sixtene bowers after; nevertheles, he wrytes that the dommage hathe byn more then a million of crownes ; thus mutche he wryteth. a The words here denoted by italics were originally written in cipher. * qu. contest. 48 APPENDIX. [Harl. MS. 296, fol. 46.] Another Letter, signed B. C., but endorsed "from Mr. Standen" addressed to M. Jacopo Mannucci, in London ; under date of Aug. 28, 1587, from Italy (partly in cipher). If the flete of the Peru shoulde lykewise fall in Dracke's clowches, we Englishe Catholickes here shoulde not be able to shewe our faces, for I thincke they woulde stone us to dethe in the stretes ; sutche a generall mislyke is growen here of our nation within these two monethes, aboute these matters ; for that Italic, more than any other countrey, is damnified by that, and the stop of that navigation, whiche, folowinge in this maner, will ruyne many a familie that nowe floweth in welthe, and sutohe as a whyle agone lawghed at the abasement of Spayne, &c. XVII. — GRIEF OF THE SPANIARDS AT THE LOSS OF THE CARRACK. — ESCAPE OF THE WEST INDIES' FLEET. [S. P. O. Domestic Correap.j Report of Gilbert Tison, who came from Lisbone the 3d of September, 1587. The losse of the carracke, which Sr Fra. Drake did take, breed mar- vailous greif, and with dread did the marques departe forth; for yt was given him to understand, that there were 3 fleetes of English men of warre ; Sr Fra. Drake having onlie the charge of the principall fleete. So that yt was not feared onlie, but certainlie resolved upon, that the West Indies fleete (notwithstanding the wastage of the Marques) would be inter- cepted. But about the same time that order cam from the Court of Spaine to dispatch that fleete to the Groine, allso came the newes, that 9 West Indies men were arrived at St Lucar, but the rest of their fleete, being about 25 or 26 saile more, were not harde of; for theise ix. shippes were seperated from the other by fowle weather, and did not at all touch at the Ilandes: neither knewe of the Marques being there. There was great joye of the cominge of those ix. shippes, and the captaines and souldiers made there- VOYAGE OP SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 49 fore a triumph ; now expecting royall payment, whereof before they did despaire. And for that the newes was come certaine that Sir Fra. Drake was retired home, (whom they imagine worketh by a familiar,) they allso confirme them selves in hope of the safe arivall of all the rest of the Indies fleete, to the K. his settled inrichinge for many yeres to performe his in- tent with all. At the cominge awaie of this partie he meett with iiij great shippes putting into Lisborne, which he understoode to be Indies men, whether East or West he knewe not. XVIII. — [LETTER OF THE COMMISSIONERS (FOR ORDERING THE CONTENTS OF THE CARRACK ST. PHILIP) TO THE COUNCIL.] [Lansd. MS. 115, Art. 93.] Our dewtyes unto your honors humblie remembred, wee doe in like manner signifie, that on Mondaye laste we began the service for discharge and view of the goods in this carrocke according to your honors' instruc- tions ; whereof yet wee ar able to make verye smale certificate, neither wolde wee have byn at this tyme herewith troblesome unto your honors, but that Sir Fraunces Drake, the bringer hereof, hath acquaynted us with some occations for which hee accoumpteth his presence and speedie repayre unto the courte verye necessarye, havinge lefte with us in his steede Mr. Thomas Fenner, a gentleman knowen to your honors, verye sufficient ; as also one other gentleman of his companye, named Mr. Stallenge, whome wee fynd bothe honeste and discreate, who giveth us great helpe to under- stand the Spanishe. By Sir Francis Drake wee sende unto your honors a booke of the loadinge of the shipp, as also the certificate of such quantitie as in this smale tyme hath byn landed by ourselves or by Sir Frauncis before our comynge : and therewith also wee have sentt a note of suche percells of golde as heitherto wee have founde, which percells of golde hee hath thoughte good nowe to carrye with him to presente unto her Ma116. The reste of our tyme shalbe imployed with all diligence untill wee have taken a full inventorie of all that is in the bulcke of the shipp, whereof CAMD. SOC. • G 50 APPENDIX. wee have yet moved or veiwed verie little : and will not buisye our selves miche in breakinge open of chestes untill wee heere agayne from your honors ; for wee oonceave here wilbe travayle otherwyse to occupie us a longe tynie, and in the ende chieflye for committinge the pepper into caskes and canvas bags, whiche muste be provided ; for it seemeth to lye all abroade in the ship. By your honors' nexte advertisementes, which wee humbly desyre with your convenient speede, wee expecte your good directions what strength shalbe appoynted for whaftinge so miche as your pleasures shalbe to have sentt upp by sea : for the transportation whereof wee will provide barckes heere accordingly e. And so referringe the farder satisfyinge of your honors touchinge the state of the shipp and goods unto Sir Francis Drake's owne reporte, wee humbly e comende your honors to the preservation of the Almightie. From the carrocke, (yet named Sfc Philippi,) in the roade neere Salteashe, the xiiijth of July, 1587. Your honors' to comaunde, JOHN GILBERTE. THOMAS GEORGES. FRA. GODOLPHIN. EDWA. CARTE. JOHN HAWKYNS. HENRY BILLINGSLEY. (In U July, 1587. Commissioners for the orderinge of the goods within the prize at Plim- mouthe to the Lords of the Counsell. XIX. — [THE GOODS OF THE SAN PHILLIPPE.] [Lansd. MS. 115, No. 89.] An Estimate of the Valewe of the Goodes taken in the shippe named the Sfc Phillip, taken by Sr Fraunces Drake, Knight, and unladen at Saltashe in Julye and Auguste, 1587. Firste, the pepper, by the bills of ladinge, dothe apeare to be 4,073 cwt., whereof muche is decayed, and may £ s. d. be esteemed at . . * . ' . . . . 40,000 0 0 There is discharged neere 440 balles of annelle of 1 cwt. the peece, valewed at xs the Ib. w* . . 22,000 0 0 VOYAGE OP SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 51 There are neere 115 packes of course callico and pin- £ s. d. tadoes esteemed at 50U the packe . . . 5,750 0 0 There are about 400 fardelles of synamon, wch may waye 80lb the peece, at vs per Ib. w* . . 8,000 0 0 There maye be in all 20 pipes of cloves, which may waye 4 cwt. a pipe, at iiijs per Ib. wfc . . 1,600 0 0 There is by the invoize a hundreth tonne of Ibonie wood, which may be worthe 10U the tonne, which is .1,000 0 0 There are about 110 chestes, which have in theim callico, sylke, some spice, and divers other kindes of merchandize, which may be worthe 100U every cheste . . .11,000 0 0 There is in the shipp and discharged certaine silke vellett, benjamyn, waxe, lacrie, to the vallewe of by estima- cion .... >-,,',, . . 2,000 0 0 There is loden 15 pipes of salltpeeter, which waye nere 8 cwt. a pype, vallewed at 24li a pipe, which is . . 360 0 0 There was founde in the shippe neere 1,400U in ryalles of plate, a chaine of gold worth 50011, plate of golde and silver, and some jewelles worth by estimacion 2,000U . 3,900 0 0 The shippe with her ordenaunce and furniture maye be worth . .•<•-. . . ; . , . 2,000 0 0 £97,610 0 Oa * This must have been the first rough estimate or valuation of this richly-cargoed prize, for we find among the Domestic Correspondence (S. P. O.), under date of Oct. 8, 1587, another and apparently more comprehensive estimate of " all the merchandise discharged out of the S1 Phillippe in the Ryver of Saltashe." Among the articles therein enumerated are starched calico cloth, broad unstarched calico, calicos in papers, calico-la wnes, coarse calico towels, painted pintados, calico diapers, fine white china silk, stitched calicos called " boultelles," fine calico called " canekens/' coloured buckrams, coloured " sipres," quilts, turkey carpets, striped coarse carpets, coloured tinsel taffetas, changeable silks, and cruel boratos, white sarcenets, bales of indigo blue, tons of dry and wet pepper, kintals of cinnamon and cloves, mace and benjamin, china packed in barrels, lacquerie, saltpetre, beeswax, nutmegs, ebony, &c. The grand total, as given therein, is valu ed at £108,049 13 11, a prodigiously large amount as compared with our present rate of currency. APPENDIX. XX. — CONTENTS OF A CASKET FOUND IN THE SAN PHILLIPPE.] [S. P. O. Domestic Corresp.] A Note or Inventory e of a smale Casket with divers Jewells, veiwed by us in the Towne ofSaltashe, the xfh ofjulye, 1587, contayening asfolloweth: — Sixe forcks of golde. Twelve haftes of golde for knyves, to saye, sixe of one sorte and sixe of another. One chayne of golde with longe lincks and hookes. One chayne of golde, with a tablet, havinge a picture of Christe in golde. One chayne, with a tablet of cristall, and a crosse of golde. One chayne of golde of esses, with fower diamondes and fower rubyes, sett in a tablet. One chayne of smale beadestones of golde. One smale chayne of golde, with roughe lincks, and a tablet hanging unto it, with the picture of Christe and our Ladye. Two pendens of golde for the eares. Three braceletts of golde, eiche with a crosse of sondrye fashion. A girdle of christall garnished with golde. A payer of beades of benjamyn garnished with golde. Three ringes of golde with stones. One rounde hoope of golde inameled with blacke. One smale ringe of golde with a pearell. Three heads and three rings of golde for walkinge staves. One boole of golde and sixe spones of golde. Two pomaunders, the one with a srnale chayne of golde • and garnished with golde. One pomaunder garnished with golde and a pearell hanging to the same. One smale box with some muskte in it. A certayne quantitye in peeces of amber greece. One hundred eighty e and nyne smale stones, which wee esteeme to be garnetts. VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, A.D. 1587. 53 Thirtye-nyne aggetts, emale and greate. Eleaven other stones of a greene cullor, with spotts of read. One blood stone. One white clothe, in the which there goeth diverse smale stones, thougth to be of smale valew. The saide caskett, garnished with golde, with two keyes and a smale chayne of golde to the same. The which caskett and Jewells before rehearsed Sir Frauncis Drake hath taken charge to delyver unto her Matie with his owne handes at this presente. JOHN GILBERTS. THOMAS GORGES. FRA. GODOLPHIN. EDWA. CAKYE. JOHN HAWKINS. HENRY BILLINGSLEY. XXI. — [THE PARTITION OF THE SPOIL.] * [S. P. O. Domestic Corresp.] Eight honourable, my dutye considered, &c. According to the valewacion of the goodes of the carricke, the ton- nedge and account, with a note of LXXXU for tenne enseignes, signified unto your L., yt may be understood (under your honors' correccion) as followeth, — The tonnedge of her Mates shippes and the rest . 4,975 tonnes 7,623 partes. The men for the service 2,648 men HerMates shipping, 2,100 tonns, arid 1,020 men, ys . . • 3,120 The L. Admyrall, 175 tonns, and 115 men, ys 290 Sir Francis Drake, 600 tonns, and 619 men, ys • • • • 1,219 The Marchauntes, 2,100 tonns, and 894 men, ys ..... 2,994 54 APPENDIX. The goodes, as by the valewacion therof, amounteth & a. d. to the some of ;': . r ,^: . . .108,049 13 11 Wherof, according to the said proporcion, ther ys dewe unto her Matle . 7 . . . . 44,223 8 2 The charges in the said account mencionede, after the rate 1 ,524 411 Resteth, the same being disductede, as appereth . 42,699 3 3 And abatinge from the rest of the shippes over and above her Maties, 400 tonns, which ys supposede they may be over ratede, ther maye remayne, shippinge and men . •" •.} 7,223 partes. Whereof by the said proporcion her Matie ys to have . 46,672 8 10 The charges therof, after the rate . . . 1,608 13 I Eesteth dewe, by this accompte as appereth . 45,063 15 9 So that the differens yeldeth unto her Mat1e . . 2,364 12 6 (Indorse,} 24 Oct. 1587. Stallenges* paper of the Phillip, with a note of the porcion dew to her , being set thereon. * The Mr. Stallenge mentioned at p. 49. INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTEB DATED FEBRUARY SRD, 1613, AND SIGNED "MAKY MAGDALINE DAVEES." PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY M.DCCC.LXIV. INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER. IT is thought that the publication of the following narrative may put literary and historical inquirers on their guard against possible deceptions, and encourage a spirit of investigation with respect to papers submitted for publication. It will also preserve some his- torical facts which have been brought to light in the course of this inquiry. In the course of the year 1863 certain original papers were sent to the Council of the Camden Society for publication, together with a supposed modern transcript of a letter purporting to bear date at " London, Feb. 3d, 1613," which, by the most exact mode of dating, would be 1613-14, or, as it is frequently stated, according to modern usage in reference to the commencement of the year, 1614. These papers came out of the most unexceptionable custody. Those of them which were original were all perfectly unimpeachable docu- ments, and they, and also the supposed copy, had been for many years in the possession of the head of the family, by whose present representative they were offered to the Camden Society. Every ordinary avenue to suspicion was therefore closed. The supposed transcript was written upon paper which bore the date of 1795 in the watermark, and the handwriting agreed with about that date. It was remarked as somewhat unusual that the date was found written at the top of the transcript, but it was con- jectured that the transcriber might have thought himself justified in 4 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER making the letter accord with modern usage, by transferring the date from the end to the beginning. The interest of the presumed copy was found to consist princi- pally in its comments upon the gaieties which enlivened the English Court during the Christmas of 1613-14. At Whitehall, during the reign of King James, that festive season was ordinarily distinguished by the performance of masques, by tilting matches, balls, and pageants, and by costly suppers — the invitations for which last were issued for about six o'clock. (Finetti Philoxenes, p. 19.) On these sportive occasions court stateliness allowed itself to unbend. The Lord of Misrule was the sovereign of the hour, and the revelry often tested the modesty, as well as the good taste, of the beholders. The Christmas to which this letter referred was distinguished by circumstances which added greatly to the customary gossip and excitement. The divorce of the Countess of Essex — that great scandal of the Court and reign — had run the first stage of its offen- sive course. A nullity had been decreed, and on Sunday the 26th December, 1613, the anniversary of the beautiful Countess's former wedding in that same place eight years before, she was again mar- ried, by the resumed name of Lady Frances Howard, to the King's favourite, created Earl of Somerset that his bride might not lose rank by her second nuptials. On the evening of the day of the marriage the Court was entertained by a masque written by Cam- pion, (see it printed in Nichols's Progresses of James I. ii. 707,) and on the following evening by the first part of Ben Jonson's Challenge at Tilt; the remainder, which concluded with a tilting- match, being reserved for the evening of New Year's day. In the mean time Jonson's Irish Masque had been played on the 29th December, and was to be repeated on the 10th January, 1613-14. The rejoicings on this magnificent occasion were not confined within the circle of the Court. The citizens, urged by the King to do honour to his favourite, received the newly-married couple at a grand entertainment in Merchant-Taylors' Hall, whilst Sir Francis SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 5 Bacon, the Attorney-general, presented the newly-married pair with a fanciful Masque of Flowers, performed on Twelfth Night in Gray's Inn. Bacon's fete was attended by the King and Queen and the whole Court, and is said to have cost him somewhere about 2,000/. Other persons, no less anxious than Bacon to stand well in the esti- mation of the sovereign, rivalled one another in the costly character of their marriage offerings, and from Christmas to Twelfth Night, the wedding, the accompanying pageants, and the splendid gifts, were as much the town-talk as the lady's divorce had been the general subject of discussion during the preceding summer. Such were the gaieties which occurred at Court during the Christmas to which the transcript alluded to related, and it was much desired that the writer had commented upon them at greater length ! She spoke only of one masque. Judging from her brief description, it was thought to be probably the one written by Cam- pion, which was performed on the evening of the wedding day. In a few succeeding sentences she made known that even the enjoy- ment of these brilliant festivities was alloyed by jealousies which made themselves felt even through all the bridal finery. The first question that was investigated related to the writer — who and what was " Mary Magdalen Davers?" The letter helped us but a little way towards an answer. That she was a person of station intimately acquainted with the feelings of the Queen and Court ; that she was a mother ; that she had a son, from whom she had not heard for four months ; that there was also a person whose Christian name was " George," who had a pecuniary dependence upon her, and whose expenditure was influenced by an anticipated visit of the King to Newmarket— these were indications of the posi- tion and connections of the writer which were gleaned from the letter itself. As answering to these requirements, it seemed that the writer was Lady Davers or Danvers — names used as if they were avowedly the same, and the use of both which probably arose from members of the family of Danvers or D'Anvers having been accustomed to write the 6 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER name " Davers," which was misread for " Davers'' by persons igno- rant of the power and meaning of the mark of contraction over the letter u a." Sir John Danvers, younger brother of Henry Danvers, the founder of the Oxford physic garden, and created Earl of Danby for his services in Ireland, was a conspicuous person in his genera- tion, a member of the Long Parliament, and one of those who signed the death-warrant of Charles I. The writer of the present letter, who was conjectured to have been his wife, was a person scarcely less remarkable. Lady Danvers was the youngest of the four daughters of Sir Eichard Newport of Eaton, and afterwards of High Ercall, in the county of Salop, and of Margaret the only daughter and heir of Lord Chief Justice Bromley. This marriage brought into the family of the Newports the great wealth of the Lord Chief Justice, and con- joined with conspicuous loyalty to Charles L, led to the ennoblement of Lady Danvers's nephew as Lord Newport, and afterwards of his son as Earl of Bradford. Some portion of the family wealth was carried by the future Lady Danvers into the family of the Herberts, on her first marriage with Richard Herbert of Montgomery Castle, a descendant from the same stock as the Herberts the Earls of Pembroke. By this marriage Mrs. Herbert became the mother of seven sons and three daughters, " which she would often say was Job's number and Job's distribution," a conceit which suited the taste of the age, and found its way into the pulpit and into bio- graphy. We who look back on the family from the distance of two centuries can perceive that they had better claims to remembrance, and that, simply as their mother, Mrs. Herbert is entitled to our respect and gratitude. Her eldest son was Edward, who became Lord Herbert of Cherbury, equally distinguished as a diplomatist and as an author; the second and third, Richard and William, found employment in the gallant band which England sent forth for the defence of the United Provinces against Spain ; both these met death in that honourable service; Charles, the fourth son, was a scholar and a Fellow of New College, Oxford; the fifth son was SIGNED " MARY MAGD ALINE DAVERS." 7 Isaac Walton's " Mr. George Herbert," the pious and amiable man whose quaint writings have taken their station amongst English classics ; the sixth son was Sir Henry, who held the post of Master of the Revels for fifty years, and under two sovereigns; Thomas, the seventh of this noble band of brothers, was a Captain in the Navy, and did good service even under the reign of our Hex paci- ficus. Of the ladies of this distinguished family Isaac Walton remarks, with somewhat of the story-book generality, "they were all married to persons of worth and plentiful fortunes, and lived to be examples of virtue, and to do good in their generations." The heralds, with more useful precision, inform us, in accordance with the autobiography of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, that Elizabeth was married to Sir Henry Jones of Albemarles, Margaret to John Vaughan of Leydaith, esquire, and Frances to Sir John Browne of Kirby in the county of Lincoln.8- The number of Mrs. Herbert's children had scarcely been com- pleted when she became a widow, her son George being at the death of his father only about four years of age, and there being at least two younger children.b In the performance of the new duties which thus fell upon her Mrs. Herbert was most exemplary. Devoting herself to the education of her children, and with a view to the exercise of maternal care over her eldest son, she removed to Oxford with her younger children, and remained there until the future his- torian of Henry VIII. , who was a gentleman commoner of Queen's College, had taken his bachelor's degree. In the society of Oxford Mrs. Herbert acquired a reputation for great and harmless wit, combined with what Isaac Walton calls a cheerful gravity, qualities which gained her many friends, and among them the poet Donne. * These and other particulars which have been peculiarly valuable on the present occa- sion were kindly furnished by Thomas William King, esq., York Herald, from the record known by the name of " Benefactors," preserved in the College of Arms. b Edward the eldest son was of the age of 14 years 7 months and 11 days at the death of his father, which took place on 15th October, 1596. (Inq. p. m. 39 Eliz. part i. No. 62.) Mr. Hopper communicated a reference to this Inquisition. 8 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER The amity, as it is termed by Walton, which existed between this worthy pair is a romantic incident in the lives of both of them. It was exhibited on her side in a continual shower of generous gifts : on his, by the dedication to her of several of his choicest poems. Walton has printed several of Donne's letters to her, and has alluded to others, of which we have not been able to find any trace. Her platonic regard for Donne was followed by a real affection for Sir John Danvers. After twelve years of widowhood her heart was captivated anew by the singular beauty of a smooth-faced young spendthrift, who, in point of years, might have been her son. Donne in her funeral sermon fancifully endeavours to smooth over the disparity of their years: " As the well-tuning of an instrument makes higher and lower strings of one sound, so the inequality of their years was thus reduced to an evenness, that she had a cheer- fulness agreeable to his youth, and he had a sober steadiness con- formable to her more advanced years. So that I would not consider her at so much more than forty, nor him at so much less than thirty at that time ; but, as their persons were made one, and their fortunes made one, by marriage, so I would put their years into one number, and, finding a sixty between them, think them thirty apiece.1" (Works, vi. 272.) Whether they lived together after the customary fashion of May and December, or in such manner as to give encou- ragement to others to form similar alliances, does not clearly appear. Neither the wit nor the wealth which may have attracted Sir John survived the marriage for many years. In the latter part of her life Lady Danvers, lost even her cheerfulness. The transcript which occasioned this inquiry mentions sleepless nights, the result of some affection of her head. Nine years afterwards we find her son George writing to her in her sickness, and intreating her with many pious arguments still to maintain her cheerfulness in spite of the troubles of life, the misdoings of her children, the loss of wealth and health. (Walton's Lives, p. 298, ed. 1825.) Again in 1627, in her funeral sermon, allusion is made to " an overflowing of melancholy" in " the declination of her years" — a diseased melancholy which cast SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVER8." 9 " a cloud upon her natural cheerfulness and sociableness," and sometimes " induced dark and sad apprehensions." Of course it would not be right to attribute this visitation to her ill-assorted marriage. It may have arisen from causes purely physical and arising entirely within herself. To the last, if we are to put any faith in the exalted eulogy of her admirer Donne, she Kved a most exemplary life, full of charity and good works. Her residence at Chelsea, built upon the site of the house occupied by Sir Thomas More, a and incorporating some portions of it, was a refuge for all who were in distress, especially during the visitation of the plague in 1625, at which time Donne partook of its shelter. On the 8th of June, 1627 (Faulkner's Chelsea, ii. 140), Lady Danvers found a resting-place in the ancient church of the parish of Chelsea, and on the 1st of July following Donne preached in the same church the funeral sermon to which we have before referred. (Works, vi. 244.) We have given this brief outline of the life of George Herbert's mother, principally with a view to the solution of the question: — " Was she the writer of the transcribed letter?" A doubt still existed in consequence of the name appended to it " Mary Mag- daline Davers." Lady Davers's, or rather Lady Danvers's, name was Magdalen only. We could not find trace of any other letter written by her, but she was universally termed by her contemporaries Magdalen only. She was so designated in the return or office found upon the inquisition post mortem of her husband Herbert ; a Sir John Danvers was skilled in architecture, and in the art of laying out a garden. His house at Chelsea was not a favourable evidence of the purity of his taste in building, but his garden there is said to have been approved and enjoyed by one who in trim gardens took an unaffected delight — Lord Bacon. On one of his visits to Sir John Dan- vers's " curious garden " at Chelsea we catch a glimpse of Lady Danvers. After walking for some time, overcome by fatigue or indisposition, Bacon fainted. " My Lady Danvers rubbed his face, temples, &c,, and gave him cordial water. As soon as he came to himself said he, ' Madam, I am no good footman.' (Aubrey's Lives, ii. 226.) We were reminded of this and many other allusions to Sir John Danvers by the Rev. Edward Wilton of West Lavington, whose acquaintance with everything relating to the Danvers family is as great as his kindness in communicating his information to others. CAMD. SOC. B 10 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER so also in the administration taken out to his effects ; so also in the life of George Herbert by Walton ; so also in the autobiography of her son Edward ; so also in the register of her burial at Chelsea ; and, not to run through a great many other examples, all to the same effect, the question, so far as respects her own usage, and the belief as to* what her name was among her friends, seemed deter- mined in some lines addressed to her by Donne, and entitled " Of St. Mary Magdalen." After remarking that some of the Fathers doubted whether the facts attributed to the Mary Magdalen of holy writ and tradition were applicable to one person, or to two, or even to three, the poet thus proceeds : — Increase their number, lady, and their fame; To their devotion add your innocence; Take so much of th'example as of the name — The latter half." Magdalen only — " the latter half," not Mary Magdalen — we may therefore conclude was Lady Danvers's name; but, on the other hand, how exactly did the statements in this transcript agree with the con- dition of George Herbert, then in his twentieth year, and resident at Cambridge, but wholly dependent on his mother. Whenever King James repaired to Newmarket or to Royston, we learn from Walton that he was invited to Cambridge, where the royal visit was an occasion of expense to every one in the University. An angel (ten shillings) extra on such an occasion was an expenditure commen- surate with the moderation and frugality of George Herbert. That Lady Danvers was ever actually in attendance upon the Queen we failed to discover; but we found her, with other dis- tinguished ladies performing, about 1607, in a masque-like enter- tainment written by Marston, and presented at the reception of the celebrated Alice Countess of Derby by her son and daughter the Earl and Countess of Huntingdon at Castle Ashby. She was then termed " Mrs. Davers," her husband not being knighted until the 3rd March, 1608-9. (Nichols's Prog. James I. vol. ii. p. 152.) The " Mary Magdalen " excited some little suspicion ; but, on the SIGNED *' MARY MAGDALINE D AVERS." 11 whole, not dreaming of any intended mystification, and thinking it possible that there might be some understanding between Lady Danvers and the aunt whom she was addressing, which might have given rise to the signature of Mary Magdalen, we were inclined to think that the transcript was a copy of a real letter, and that the writer was Magdalen, the wife of Sir John Danvers. The following is a copy of the letter in question : — London, Feb. 3d, 1613. DEAR AUNTE, Instead of carrolls, we may sing joy that Xtmass is gon; you for long meals, I for long nights. My poor head as usual still keeps tormenting me from getting much sleep. But this is no news to you, therefore must find you some other. Their hath been at Court a mask ; when it is printed I shall send it you. It was indeed very rich & splendid. Their was presant all our nobility ; the Ernbassadors of Spain and France, Count d' Gondomar & le Baron d' Tour. Their was Sir Noel Caron from the States. At first their became great bickerings on him, whome they woud not allow any place at all- The Spaniard did spake hard words, & loud indeed, saying, in great wrath, the Hollanders were no other than a company of merchants, and their seemd so much bustle, that the Lord Dunbar prayd the Lord Chamberlain to go to the King and humbly request of his Majesty's interference. So that, through the Kings goodness, the aifraiy was all smotherd & settled before the mask began. My Lady of Somerset was there, walked in attended by too ladies with long cushions, & placed her self in much state. She had with her the child my Lord of Walden a had by Mrs. Clare, of whom the family seemeth mighty fond. It is a fine child, & calls " Lord Grandfather," and *' Lady Grandmother." Her Ladyship's dress was only tammel,b but she was extreamly rich in Jewells. My Lady Hunsdon c (whome * Theophilus Howard, Lord Walden, afterwards Earl of Suffolk, brother of the Countess of Somerset. b " Stammell " was a coarse kind of red cloth ordinarily used for petticoats. c Elizabeth Lady Hunsdon was a sister of Alice Countess of Derby, and both of them daughters of Sir John Spencer of Althorpe. 12 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER you know hateth her) told me one Jewell on her head cost too thousand pownds. It seemeth the Queen was much displeasd at her sitting in such state, of wich we were shure she was informd of, for the next night she was full too pegs lower. On Saturday the King goeth to Newmarket, of which I am sensible, for it hath cost me an angel exterordnary to George on the ochasion. To my ne views and nieeces I send my kind love as theier places deserve and differ. This is all at present from, deare aunt, your loving and affectionet niece, MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS. Postscript. — Sir Thos Rowe took shipping yesterday for Persia: for thees fore months I have not heard from my son. Your letters are sent towards Venice. Having pretty well settled, as we supposed, the question of author- ship, we now proceeded to consider the facts stated in the letter, not in a spirit of doubt, but rather with a view to annotation. As we read the letter through again, some particular words and phrases grated upon ears somewhat familiar with the language of the assumed period,8 but we know how difficult it is to draw conclusions from peculiarities of style and expression, so we kept down our feelings upon these points, and proceeded to consider what we may term the historical points of the letter — its assertions respecting public events and prominent persons. Of these there are at any event six. I. There had been a masque at Court. II. A dispute had been raised by the ambassadors of France and Spain respecting the admission to Court of the ambassador from Holland. III. The conduct of the Countess of Somerset at the masque had displeased the Queen. IV. A child which Lord Walden had had by Mrs. Clare was brought to the masque by the Countess. a For example, "their became great bickerings on him;" "there seemed so much bustle;" " I send my kind love;" " this is all at present." Some of the orthography too was deemed very startling, but that was attributed to the copyist. 13 V. The King intended to remove to Newmarket on the follow- ing Saturday. VI. Sir Thomas Eoe had departed on his Eastern mission the day before. In considering these facts, we did not take them in the order abovementioned, which is that in which they stand in the letter, but rather in the desultory manner in which the means for investi- gating them happened to present themselves to our notice. The first point we had already touched upon. At the Christmas of 1613-14, there had been not merely one masque at Court, but several. The discrepancy seemed odd, but Lady Davers might not have seen more than one, or she might not have deemed Ben Jon- son's compositions to be masques in the ordinary sense of the word. We passed on to the interference of Lord Dunbar in the quarrel of the ambassadors. Referring to the customary authorities, we found it asserted that Sir George Hume, one of King James's Scottish favourites, " a man of few words but of deep wit," as he is described by Spottiswood, wascreated Lord Hume of Berwick in 1604, and Earl of Dunbar in 1605, and that he died on the 29th January, 1610-11; that his barony thereupon became extinct, and that his earldom was not claimed for many years afterwards (Douglas's Peerage, edit. 1768, p. 202; ed. Wood, i. 454). We found also that Sir Henry Constable was not created Viscount Dunbar until the 14th November, 1620 (ibid. p. 204 and p. 457). Between 1611 and 1620 there was therefore no Lord Dunbar. The question im- mediately occurred, how could the writer of this letter have fallen into such a mistake ? We were told of the uncertainty of all dates, of the possibility of some one having claimed the title, or having passed as Lord Dunbar in general society or even at court, although the fact had not been commemorated in peerages ; and, finally, that Nisbet in his Heraldry, i. 279, had asserted that George Hume, Earl of Dunbar, died, not in 1610-11, but in 1618. This drove us further afield. Mrs. Green's Calendar of the Domestic Papers of James I. makes mention of many papers relating to this subject, and turning 14 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER to the originals we found that 1611, and not 1618, nor any other year, was beyond all question the date of the Earl's death.* Mr. King, the York Herald, also sent us an extract from a copy of the inscription on what Nisbet calls the magnificent tomb erected to the Earl's memory in the church of Dunbar, in which it was dis- * The papers which prove the death of the Earl are contained in vol. Ixi. of the State Papers of James I., and are numbered 41, 49, 55, 57, 58, 60, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 80, 84, and 107. Among them No. 60 is a letter from John Erskine, Earl of Mar, who suc- ceeded the Earl of Dunbar as Treasurer of Scotland, to Robert Cecil the Earl of Salisbury, dated from Edinburgh the 7th February, 1611. He writes thus : — "As the pen was in my hand to write unto you, at the very instant, I received your letter full of bad news, but it is true, as in your letter you did suspect, that some two days before I had heard of the death of our good friend my Lord of Dunbar. My Lord, what can I say, but I fear it shall be your misfortune and mine, to live and see all our old and best friends die before us. Dunbar and Kinloss are gone, and I dare affirm, the like are not behind of their nation." No. 70 is from Alexander Seaton, Earl of Dunfermline and Lord Chancellor of Scotland, also to the Earl of Salisbury, and dated from Edinburgh the 8th February, 1611. " Before the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 1st February I was advertised, both to my great grief and astonishment, of our most worthy and noble friend, the Earl of Dunbar, his unexpected decease. For we had not so much as heard before any signification of his sickness." No. 74 is from Francis Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, also to the Earl of Salisbury, dated from Londesborough the 9th of Feb- ruary, 1610, i.e. 1610-11. " I have lately received a letter from your Lordship and other of my honourable Lords of the Council, whereby I understand of the decease of that worthy Lord the Earl of Dunbar, for which I am more sorry than I can now express, having found him always an upright careful justicer, a most painful and faithful servant to his sacred Majesty, and my most constant and dear friend; who, when last I parted with him, gave me much assurance of his unfeigned love, and that in regard of my travels and charges, whereof he was an eye-witness, in that service, without allowance, he would do me a good turn to his Majesty. The passionate sorrow of my heart makes me thus to speak my mind of him, and almost to forget myself on that which I intended to write of." Finally, (No. 107). Sec. Sir Thomas Lake, writing to the Earl of Salisbury on the 25th February, 1610 [-11] (according to the indorsement), informs him that the King had determined upon the Bishop of London (Abbot) as successor to Archbishop Bancroft, and that his Majesty would have Salisbury and some other lords to call Bishop Abbot before them and let him understand " of this his Grace's choice, and that besides that his Majesty had a good opinion of him for his own part, he had in so dear remembrance the service of my Lord of Dunbar, who did first recommend him to his Majesty, as that though he were not now living, that the world might say he guided his Majesty, yet, for the affection he bare to him living, he would perform his request, that the world might see that such as he did find good servants he did love them dead as well as living." 15 tinctly stated that he " departed this life xxix. day of January, 1611." This was derived from "The Theater of Mortality," a book published at Edinburgh in 1704, and the 1611 was not 1611-12 but really 1611, according to the Scottish reckoning, which agreed at that time, in the commencement of the year, with the mode now in use among ourselves. Through this little chink there entered a flood of light. Sur- prised at the seeming discrepancy, we considered whether the transcriber might not have written Dunbar in mistake for Danby or for Denbigh ; but, coming to no satisfactory conclusion, we de- termined to test some other passages in the letter, and, having at hand Mr. Sainsbury's Calendar of Colonial Papers, we turned to its pages to see when Sir Thomas Koe " took shipping for Persia," it being suggested that, in an age in which a secretary of state did not know whether Iceland were an island or not (Domestic, Charles I. vol. ccxxix. art. 82), a lady writer might be excused for sub- stituting "Persia" for the dominions of the Great Mogul. The actual day when Roe took shipping was somewhat difficult to be discovered. The first suggestion of his mission was made by the Governor of the East India Company to the Board on the 7th September, 1614 (Sainsbury's Calendar, p. 318).a His instructions were dated the 29th December, 1614 (ibid. p. 361). On the 17th January, 1614- 15, the ships being at Gravesend, and, the weather growing sharp, " whereby there are expected some easterly winds very shortly," a committee was appointed to go aboard the ships and expedite their despatch into the Downs (ibid. p. 371, and the Original Minute Book, vol. iii. p. 341). On ihe 26th January, 1614-15, the com- mittee reported the result of their labours at Gravesend. It would seem that Sir Thomas Roe was then aboard. He applied to the committee to consent, upon the request of Lady Garrett, his aunt, that Henry Garrett, their kinsman, might be allowed to accompany * The calendar, though very full and accurate, has been compared with the originals, from which some of our statements have been derived. 16 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER Sir Thomas. After two hours' discussion the committee yielded to his importunity, but stipulated for a list of all his men, which he immediately gave them, and agreed to " put off one of them" in order to make room for Henry Garrett. On the 31st January, 1614-15, the ship being still at Gravesend, a farewell letter from Sir Thomas Eoe full of expressions of kindness and zeal for their service was read at the Board. After this the ship moved on to the Downs, but on what precise day does not appear; certainly she was there on the 9th February. On the llth of February we have trace of the last letter of the Company to Sir Thomas Roe upon an unexpected incident which had occurred during his detention on shipboard (Sainsbury, p. 379). In the Addl. MSS. Brit. Mus. there is a copy of a letter of Sir Thomas Roe dated the 20th February, 1614-15. He writes still from the Downs, and complains of his long and unexpected detention. It was not until the 6th March, 1614-15, that the ship lost sight of England (Sainsbury, p. 412). Whether these facts are sufficient or not to show that Sir Thomas took shipping before the 2nd February may be the subject of a little doubt; certainly they must be conclusive that his "taking shipping " could not have been mentioned as a recent event in a letter written on the 3rd February, 1613-14. This conclusion gave instant rise to the theory that the transcri- ber had mistaken the date of the original letter, which it was said must have been 1615 instead of 1613. The answer was that, if the transcript were to be thus made to fit with the departure of Sir Thomas Roe, the change must be, not from 1613 (which was 1613- 14), to 1615 (which would be 1615-16), but to 1614, which would would be 1614-15, a mistake — being ^hat of inserting in a transcript a 4 for a 3 — far less likely to be made than that of misreading a 3 for a 5. The next subject of inquiry turned out in a way which gave some little support to the supposed transcript — it was the discovery of a Mrs. Clare, and that under circumstances which seemed to give a colour of probability to the position in which she was found in the SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE D AVERS." 17 supposed letter. A statement of the circumstances will disclose facts of interest in connection with the Countess of Essex, afterwards Countess of Somerset, which have never been printed ; it is therefore hoped that it may not be unacceptable. In 1612 Mary Woods of Norwich, a person who professed skill in palmistry and other similar sciences, came to London in the way of her vocation, and lodged at the house of one Crispe, a barber in Clerkenwell. Having obtained such a valuable inmate, the barber soon afterwards removed with ' * cunning Mary" and her husband to the more fashionable neighbourhood of the Strand, and there the barber became a willing agent in procuring subjects or patients for his female lodger. One branch of her business consisted in furnishing ladies who desired to become mothers with charms and medicines which would assist them in attaining their end. In the next house to Somerset House dwelt a Mrs. Isabel Peel, wife of a tradesman named William Peel. Mrs. Peel, to her great grief, was childless. The barber., at his lodger's suggestion, whispered in her ear that the very skilful person who was an inmate in his house could provide her with means to help forward her desires. An interview was arranged, and by "fair speech and cosening skill," Mary Woods persuaded Mrs. Peel of her power, but demanded no less a sum than twenty-four pounds for its exercise. In cash the amount was beyond the patient's means, but she delivered to her adviser " two lawn and other wrotte [wrought] wares/' and received in return a small portion of an infallible powder which the cunning woman sewed in a little piece of taffeta, and bade the aspirant after maternity wear it round her neck.a The news that a woman of such marvellous skill had come to lodge in Westminster soon spread around. Anxious ladies in many of the neighbouring mansions sent for her, and she especially got a footing in Salisbury House. Mrs. Jane Sacheverell, who attended * After the bubble burst, and cunning Mary absconded with her plunder, Mrs. Peel says that she " ripped the taffeta to see what powder it was, and found it but a little dust swept out of the flower [floor ?] " S. P. Dom. James I. vol. Ixxii. No. 133. CAMD. SOC. C 18 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER on Lady Cranborne, was one of her victims. The Countess of Essex also had several interviews with her in the same friendly mansion, and gave her a diamond ring worth fifty or sixty pounds, sent her by her husband the Earl out of France, with directions to pawn it in order to procure a portion of the infallible powder, "which was very costly." The Countess also bestowed upon Mrs. Woods " certain pieces of gold worth between thirty and forty pounds." When the affair was called in question, Mrs. Woods asserted that the Countess gave her these things to procure " a kind of poison that would lie in a man's body three or four days without swelling," and that this poison was to be given to the Earl of Essex. But Mrs. Woods was an infamous person, whose uncorroborated assertion was worth nothing, and she had previously mentioned to Mrs. Peel that her employment by the Countess had relation merely to the child- giving powder. Mrs. Woods possessed other faculties besides those with reference to which she was consulted by Mrs. Peel and Mrs. Sacheverell. She could " help " ladies to husbands, and " cause and procure whom they desired to have, to love them." On this branch of her business she was consulted by Mrs. Cooke, Lady Walden's gentlewoman, who gave her twenty pounds and more, in twenty-shilling pieces of gold, and, finally also, by Mrs. Clare, who is described as lying in the Court at Whitehall on the south side there, and as being a waiting gentlewoman in attendance upon the young Lady Windsor. Mrs. Clare, like several others of the ladies named, had no ready money, but the fees paid by her were very handsome. They comprised a standing cup and cover of silver gilt worth fourteen pounds, a petti- coat of velvet layed with three silver laces, that cost forty pounds, and two diamond rings, the one worth twenty pounds, and the other worth five pounds.* The incident respecting Mrs. Clare had such a general resem- blance to the fact mentioned in the letter, that it was easy to believe • See S. P. Dom. James I. vol. Ixxii. Nos. 49-55, and 133. SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 19 that they were recorded of the same person. She who had, perhaps some four or five years before, given birth to the child which in 1614 ran about appealing to Lord Grandfather and Lady Grand- mother, might well give her cup and cover, and even her velvet petticoat adorned with silver lace, as the price of a love-powder which might procure her a husband. But, in spite of this partial confirmation, the genuineness of the supposed transcript had been so much shaken by the strangeness of the results in the instances of Lord Dunbar and Sir Thomas Koe, that we felt bound to pursue our investigations farther. The next point which came under notice was that one relating to the conduct of the Countess of Somerset at the masque. In this respect the in- formation in the letter was altogether new, but it appeared at once that the facts stated could only have occurred at one of two Christ- masses. The Countess was married to the Earl of Somerset, as already mentioned, on the 26th December, 1613. The facts stated might have occurred in the course of that Christmas-time, that is at the end of 1613 or the beginning of 1614, or at the next Christmas- time, in 1614 or 1615, but they could not have occurred either earlier or later. In September 1615 Sir Thomas Overbury was murdered; in the October and November of that year several of the Countess of So- merset's fellow- culprits were executed; and, before Christmas 1615, she and her husband were sent to the Tower. Her trial took place in the May following, and she never afterwards made her appear- ance at Court. The possible date of the letter being thus limited to one, of two months of February, we further considered how either of them would agree with the several points before mentioned. As to the first point, we have already shown that at the Christmas of 1613-14 there were several masques acted. At the same period in 1614-15 there was but one, Ben Jonson's " Mercury vindicated from the Alchemists." So far as this point goes the evidence is decidedly in favour of the latter date. 20 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER But what about the fifth point, that of the King's intended depar- ture to Newmarket on the following Saturday ? If the letter were written on 3rd February, 1614-15, that day occurred on a Friday, so that the words in the letter " On Saturday the King goeth to Newmarket" would be equivalent to " to-morrow the King goeth," &c. Now, in that year the King was in London as usual at Christmas time, and as usual left town shortly afterwards. Cham- berlain, writing to Carleton on the 12th January, 1614-15, says: "the King removes this day towards Koyston and Newmarket, where he means to tarry till Shrovetide [the 21st February], and not to come again at Candlemas, as he was wont to do/' On the 19th of January the King was at Newmarket, and there knighted Sir Dudley Norton. (S. P. Domestic, James I. vol. Ixxx. art. 10.) On the 30th January Sir John Savage was knighted, apparently at the same place. On the 1st February Secretary Winwood " went toward the King to Newmarket." (Ibid. No. 17.) On the 3rd February Sir Robert Anstruther was knighted, still at the same place. (Mose- ley's Catalogue of Knights, p. 54.) On the 9th Chamberlain writes: " Mr. Secretary came home yesternight from Newmarket in a day, which was a sore journey as the ways are, being at least 54 miles; but he had coaches laid for him in three places." (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxx. No. 26 ) On the same day De Quester, the foreign post- master, wrote to Sir Isaac Wake: " The King's Majesty came to Royston [i.e. from Newmarket] .... yesterday night; and, on Saturday next, being the llth present, his Highness intendeth to be at Theobald's, and on Thursday the 16th February here at Whitehall." (Ibid. No. 25.) And so it very nearly turned out, for, on the 15th February the King knighted Sir Robert Dillon at Theobald's, and on the 17th De Quester wrote again to Wake: " His Majesty arrived here on Wednesday last [the 15th] at night from Theobald's, and remaineth yet at Whitehall to keep there his Shrovetide." (Ibid. No. 32.) Chamberlain confirms all this. Wri- ting on the 23rd of February, he says: " The King came to town the 15th of this present, and goes away again this day or to-morrow towards Royston." (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxx. No. 38.) SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 21 The King, therefore, was already absent at the time when the presumed original of this transcript, if it had been dated in February 1614-15, would have represented him as being about to leave London. Here, then, the date, given by a consideration of the first point, was contradicted by the fifth point. We then tried the date 3rd February, 1613-14, by the same test of the King's intended movements, and it seemed in all proba- bility to be about accurate. In that year the 3rd of February fell on a Thursday, and the Saturday following was the 5th. The King was at Koyston from the 12th January to the end of the month. On the 1st of February he was at Whitehall, on the 2nd at Hampton Court, from the 3rd to the 5th at Somerset House and Whitehall. On the 6th he may be traced at Whitehall, and on the 7th in the morning he left town for Koyston. There is no con- tradiction between an intention to leave town on the 5th and an actual leaving on the 7th. Therefore, if tried by the tests of the allusions to the Countess of Somerset and the King's movements, it might fairly be concluded that 1613-14 was the true date of the letter. With feelings something akin to bewilderment, we now turned to the still further test presented in the second passage of Lady Davers's letter — that relating to the quarrel of the ambassadors respecting Sir Noel Caron. We opened at the same time Sir John Finet's volume of Observations touching Foreign Ambassadors. Nothing can be of higher authority than this little work in such a question as the one now before us. At the time of this dispute Finet was Deputy and principal acting Master of the Ceremonies at the Court of James I, ; for the most part he delivered personally the invitations to ambassadors who were desired to attend the court ceremonials ; in their disputes about place and precedency he was the person primarily consulted by them, the bearer of their mes- sages, complaints, and claims. He gives an account of this very dispute. As a writer he is one of the prosiest imaginable. We would print his account of the matter, but it would fill several 22 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER pages, and is written in such a style that nobody would read it ; but it may be found in the book of Observations to which we have alluded, printed in 1656 under the editorship of James Howell, page 19 to page 24. It will be remembered that it appears from Lady Davers's letter, that there were present on the occasion in question, Count Gondo- mar as the ambassador of Spain, and the Baron de la Tour, the representative of France ; that the objection taken against the ad- mission of Caron was, that the Hollanders were no other than a company of merchants; that by the King's interference the affray was all smothered and settled before the masque began ; and that this took place on some day before the 3rd February 1613-14. It appears on the contrary, from the statement of Sir John Finet, that the affair took place on the 5th January, not in 1613-14, but in 1614-15; that the King did not settle the dispute, but was unable to do so ; and that after a multitude of diplomatic messages and sug- gestions on both sides, the Spanish ambassador " having merrily re- quested the Lords before, that since his servants were not ambassadors, and would not strive for places, they might be allowed room to see the mask, he with one gentleman, his secretary, and a footman, I attend- ing him to his coach, departed," whereupon the King took order that Sir Noel Caron " should likewise depart, to avoid all further [future?] question about either of their pretences." Again, it appears that the objection taken had no connexion with Dutch trade, but was that Sir Noel Caron was " the representant of his master's [the King of Spain's] vassals and rebels (so he called them);" and again that the ambassadors present on the occasion were not those of Spain and France, but of Spain and Venice, and that the great objector was the ambassador of Spain, his brother ambassador of Venice assisting with allegations which were " held to proceed," as Finet assures us, " rather from a spirit of disturbance (forward as he naturally was to make ill business,) than that what he said was simply truth." Finet's account of the matter is further con- firmed as to its date, the nature of the dispute, the prominency SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 23 of the Spanish ambassador, and the result, in a letter of Chamber- lain to Carleton. It is dated the 12th January 1614-15, not 1613- 14, and after speaking of the mask on Twelfth-Night and its success, which was so great that the King had it represented again on the Sunday night after, the writer proceeds thus : — " There fell out an accident before it [the masque] began, that had almost marred the play, for the Spanish ambassador being invited, when he understood that Sir Noel Caron was likewise to be there, he protested against it, saying he was not to be present where a servant of his master's vassals should be covered, or appear in quality of an ambassador. Against which exceptions there was much dispute twixt him and the lords then present, and many messages passed to and fro between them and the King, but in conclusion he would by no arguments nor precedents be persuaded, but said it was contrary to his instructions, and so retiring himself went back the same way he came, whereupon Sir Noel Caron was wished to retire likewise and absent himself." (Domestic, James I. vol. Ixxx. No. 4, State Papers, Pub. Record Office.) There remained one other test to be applied to Lady Davers's account of this ambassadorial dispute. She tells us who were the ambassadors of France and Spain at that time in England : so does Sir John Finet. We will deal first with the representative of France. Lady Davers states that he was the Baron de la Tour. Sir John Finet informs us, at p. 12, that on 23rd December 1613, the French ambassador was Mons. de Buisseaux, and again at p. 16, that the same gentleman continued in his office on the 1st February 1613-14. During the remainder of 1614, and in Jan. 1614-15, there are many evidences in the State Papers in the Public Record Office that de Buisseaux still remained resident French ambassador in London. He arrived at Paris on his recal about the 30th January 1614-15, (Letter of Sir Thomas Edmondes, French Corresp. State Papers, 30 Jan. 1614-15,) and no one else appears, either as ordinary or extraordinary ambassador from France until the appointment of Mons. Desmaretz, whose credentials are among the State Papers, dated at Paris H^r 1615. He arrived in England very shortly 24 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER afterwards, and had his first audience at Theobald's on 2nd July 1615 according to the English style. (Finet, p. 26.) Mons. de Buis- seaux, and not any one of the name of De la Tour, was there- fore the French ambassador at the time of the squabble respecting Sir Noel Caron, although not present at the time. Indeed in those days the rivalry between the ambassadors of France and Spain was so great and so troublesome, that they were never invited to Court together, and a great deal of Finet's book is taken up with a minute narrative of the arrangements by which he set off the great poten- tates one against the other, and stiffled the jealousy which afflicted the mind of one of them if he heard that his brother ambassador had been placed in a position esteemed in the slightest degree superior to that which had been accorded to himself. So much for the actual French ambassador; but what about the ambassador De la Tour? How came he to be named? Could there be any confusion connected with him which might account for a mistake? Two gentlemen of the name of De la Tour came to England as ambassadors from France within a few years of the time of the dispute respecting Sir Noel Caron. One of them was Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, Due de Bouillon, one of the most illustrious Frenchmen of his day. He was never in England as resident ambassador, but visited this country on extraordinary missions in 1591, 1596, and 1612, on which last occasion he arrived in April and returned in May. There are many evidences in the State Papers of the friendly interest which he subsequently continued to take in England and English affairs,* but in the latter part of his life he was too busily occupied in the French civil troubles to visit England. The course of his life may be seen in the memoir of him in the Biographic Universelle. Under any conceivable date of this letter the Duke de Bouillon could not be the person alluded to. The other De la Tour to whom we have referred as having been • Many letters from him occur in the French Correspondence, one of which, dated from Paris on the |^ January 1613-4, is addressed to the Earl of Somerset, by way of congratulation on his elevation to that title and his subsequent marriage. SIGNED " MARY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 25 in this country on an embassy from France at about this time is equally out of the question. He came on a special embassy in the year 1617. True this De la Tour was a Baron, and was therefore probably the person who was in the mind of the actual writer of this letter, but the date of his mission stultifies the attribution of any share in this incident to him. He landed at Deal on the 24th January 1616-17, after two days' exposure to a very tempestuous sea in crossing from Dieppe. (Dom. James I. vol xc. No. 39.) He re- turned home in the last week of the succeeding month of February. At that time the Countess of Somerset was still in the Tower, con- victed of murder on her own confession. No supposition of mistake can make this letter consistent with a date which would suit with the visit of the second De la Tour. Pass we now to the Spanish ambassador. The letter-writer says he was the Count de Gondomar. The letter-writer is right, and yet in being so is fatally wrong. Sir John Finet, in his account of " passages at the marriage of the Earl of Somerset," mentions this same ambassador as having then newly come into this kingdom ;a and in the margin of his book, at p. 12, he gives his name " Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna," and he mentions him again by the same name " Don Diego Sarmiento" at p. 25, under the date of the 23rd April, 1615; and again at p. 35, under the date of about the middle of the year 1616. Now there is no doubt that this was the same person who afterwards became Count de Gondomar, but the letter-writer's misfortune is this that Sarmiento was not created Count de Gondomar until the year 1617. Cottington, then English ambassador in Spain, who had previously been in the habit of men- tioning the Spanish ambassador in London as Don Diego or Don Diego Sarmiento, wrote to Secretary Sir Thomas Lake, on the 26th April 1617, old style, from Madrid, as follows, " Before this can come to your hand I presume you will hear that Don Diego Sarmiento is now Conde de Gondomar, an honour which the King a Camden notices his arrival under " 1614, Oct. Didacus de Sarmento legatus pro Hispano." Annals, Jac. I. p. 11. CAMD. SOC. D 26 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER hath done him, and with much applause of all men here." The news reached London, as Cottington expected, before his letter, for on the 1st May 1617, Sir John Digby (the subsequent Earl of Bristol) writing to Buckingham, then an Earl, from London, says, " The Spanish ambassador is ill again, but I hope in little danger. The King of Spain hath been pleased to honour him with the title of an Earl, and he is now called Conde de Gondomar." (Spanish Cor- respondence, under the dates of 26th April and 1st May, 1617.) All contemporary writers who mention the Spanish ambassador by name, speak of him in the same manner as Finet, by his title of Sarmiento, but it has been usual for more recent historians to refer to him, even from his first arrival in England, by the title which was afterwards conferred upon him.a Summing up, then, the results which had been obtained, it seemed that by the first and second points — the masque at Court and the ambassadors' dispute — the date of the letter was shown to be February 1614-15, but that the fifth point, the King's intended departure, carried it back to 1613-14, whilst the allusion to Sir Thomas Koe in the sixth point again placed it in 1614-15; the mention of Lord Dunbar was inconsistent with any date subsequent to 1610-11, the notice of Gondomar could not have been written before 1617-18, and that of De la Tour, although no doubt prompted by a knowledge of his visit to England in 1616-17, was not ap- plicable to any period whatever, inasmuch as he was never in England on any 5th January. Such may be termed the results of the positive evidence brought forward in our inquiry. The negative evidence — or rather the arguments deducible from extraordinary omissions — whether the letter was dated in 1614 or 1615, is equally conclusive. Thus, for a We ought to except Mr. Gardiner, who in his admirable History of England from 1603 to 1616, accurately describes the ambassador as "Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, better known to us by his later title of the Count of Gondomar." (vol. ii. 87.) Mr. Gardiner's complete acquaintance with the State Papers enabled him at once to give us a reference to the letter of Cottington, above quoted from the Spanish Correspondence. SIGNED " MAKY MAGDALINE DAVERS." 27 example, it is allowed that the evidence as to the King's intended departure from London is in favour of the date prefixed to the letter, " Feb. 3rd, 1613-[14]." But if we consider what really took place during the months of January and February in that year, we shall see how imperfect, or rather how false, a representation of the actual facts is contained in Lady Davers's letter. We have shewn that the King was in town at Christmas 1613 at Somerset's wedding, and also during the festivities, both af- Court and in the city, which followed it. As soon as these were over, he was glad to escape to his horses and his dogs. On the 12th January he was at Royston, whence he visited Audley End (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxvi. No. 6.), and continued away from London during the whole remainder of the month. In the meantime the Queen was at Somerset House, busy in preparation for a marriage by which she evidently intended to eclipse that of the Countess of Somerset, which her Majesty, much to her credit, had only with great diffi- culty been prevailed upon to countenance with her presence. The bride on this occasion was Mistress Jane Drummond, a daughter of Patrick third Lord Drummond, and one of the ladies of the Queen's household. The bridegroom was Sir Robert Ker of Cessford, lately created Lord Roxburgh. A special invitation was sent to the King to be present on this occasion. He accordingly came to town on the 1st February. The Queen and the Lords went out to meet him, as was the custom, in their gayest carriages, almost to Theobald's. On the 3rd February, the marriage took place. Daniel's " Hymen's Triumph, a pastoral Tragi-comedy/' was produced for the first time, and, there not being a room in the Queen's residence large enough to hold the expected gathering, it was played in a square paved inclosure, covered over, and otherwise prepared for the re- ception of an audience which comprised all that wa§ noble and beautiful in the English Court. On the day following the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were invited by her Majesty, " and had rich gloves. They went thither in pomp and were graciously used, and, besides their great cheer and many healths, had a play. They pre- 28 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OF A LETTER eented the bride with a fair cup and two hundred Jacobus pieces or double sovereigns in it.'* The King stayed through these festivities up to the Monday after the marriage, which was the 7th February. The Queen had yet to give a grand entertainment to all who had made presents to the bride, which she did in a. most sumptuous and royal manner (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxvi. No. 33). But nothing could detain the King. " He went away," says Chamberlain, " on Monday morning, and thought long till he was gone, for he went thorough that night to Royston, and so to Newmarket/' (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxvi. No 20). Is it conceivable,-^-is it in the nature of womanhood — that Lady Davers, a person apparently acquainted with the Queen's feelings and doings, should have written a news- letter to a female relation on the very day of the marriage of Miss Drummond, and yet have not alluded to any of the gay doings by which it was distinguished? Nay more, in spite of the King's movements which have been detailed, that she should have written her letter in such way as distinctly to lead to the conclusion that the King had been in London all through the Christmas celebrations, which lasted from Christmas until Candlemas Day, the 2nd of Fe- bruary, and was preparing to escape as if for the first time on the Saturday following? Another example of silence which is perfectly incredible would be furnished by this letter if it could be supposed to have been writ- ten on the 3rd February, 1614-15, which would make it coincide with the one masque at Court, the ambassadors' dispute, and the departure of Sir Thomas Roe. The January and February of 1614-15, was a remarkable period. It was the year of the Great Snow; the " frigus intensum et nix copiosissima," as it is termed by Camden. The following are two descriptions of what happened, Chamberlain wrote thus on the 16th February, 1614-15: " Yester- day I received your letter of the 29th of January. It is no marvel if the posts keep not their ordinary days and times, for we have had such weather that I think they had much ado to come at all. Ever since Sunday was three weeks [the 22nd of January] we have had 29 continual frost and snow, whereof we have had such plenty as I never knew the like. For there hath not past one day since that time but it hath snowed more or less, and on Sunday last it began at seven o'clock in the morning, and never ceased till Monday after nine at night, so that it lay very deep, and we fear we shall hear of much harm ; but the greatest part of it went away on Tuesday and yesterday with a kindly thaw, but this night it is frozen again, and grown very cold." (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxx. No* 30.) De Quester, who has a more precise recollection of weather than Chamberlain, describes these " great snows " as " more than had been since the great snow which was thirty-six years past." (Ibid. No. 32.) Others make mention of the disastrous floods and high tides which ensued, and Howes, the continuator of Stowe, sums up the whole matter thus: " The 17. of January, 1614, began a great frost with extreme snow, which lasted until the 14. of February; and, albeit the violence of the frost and snow some days abated, yet it conti- nued freezing and snowing much or little until the 7. of March, whereby much cattle perished, as well old as young; and in some places divers devised snow-ploughs to clear the ground, and to fodder cattle. This snow was very dangerous to all travailers." (Stowe's Chronicle, ed. Howes, p. 1023.) Of course Lady Davers, if she were the letter- writer, could at the date of her letter have had an acquaintance with merely the com- parative commencement of this heavy winter. On the 3rd February they were only in the third week of the frost, and had only had ten days of snow. But surely that would have been enough to excite some little observation on the difficulty of travelling with reference to the King's intended journey. On the 1st of February Chamber- lain writes: " Mr. Secretary went on Monday toward the King to Newmarket in as hard and cold weather as came this year; for it hath been very sharp these ten days with much frost and snow, which continues still, and so is like to do for ought I see. The Thames hath not been passable ; but in a manner closed up, almost this sennight. The floods I wrote to you of the last week did a 30 INQUIRY INTO THE GENUINENESS OP A LETTER, ETC. great deal more harm than I could then tell you, for we have cer- taintie of more than twenty drowned that Saturday within forty miles compass of this town." (Dom. James I. vol. Ixxx. No. 17.) Can it be supposed that weather so extraordinarily severe would not have occasioned even a passing allusion in such a letter as that of Lady Davers ? To pursue the subject further seemed needless. The letter was too much damaged by the results of our inquiry to be published by the Camden Society. By whom written, or for what purpose, is a mystery, and will probably remain so. It was evidently put together by some one who had a knowledge of many things con- nected with the period in question, but whose knowledge was not deep enough or precise enough to enable him to concoct an an- tiquarian jeu d? esprit which should baffle investigation. J. B. REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY, ELECTED 2nd MAY, 1863. THE Council of the Camden Society, elected on the 2nd May, 1863, feel assured that the Members will receive with satisfaction the Report of the Auditors, which shows that the financial condition of the Society continues to be satisfactory. The Council regret to announce that since the last General Meeting the Society has lost by death the following Members : — Rev. JAMES ADCOCK, M.A. The LORD BAGOT. WILLIAM BIRD, Esq. BERIAH BOTFIELD, Esq. M.P., F.R.S., F.S.A. HUMPHREY BRANDRETH, Esq. GEORGE RICHARD CORNER, Esq. F.S.A. JAMES WILLIAM FARRER, Esq. JAMES ROBERT GOWEN, Esq. The LORD LYNDHURST, LL.D., F.R.S. JOHN BOWYER NICHOLS, Esq. F.S.A. ARTHUR PAGET, Esq. JOSEPH PARKES, Esq. WILLIAM SALT, Esq. F.S.A. NEWMAN SMITH, Esq. WILLIAM TOOKE, Esq. Pres.S.Arts, F.R.S. and F.S.A. Rev. GODFREY WRIGHT. Several of these gentlemen rendered excellent service to this Society. Mr. BERIAH BOTFIELD served on the Council. Mr. CORNER acted as an Auditor and was elected on the Council. Mr. SALT, to whose liberality many literary societies have been indebted for valuable assistance, was on several occasions on the Council, and yet more frequently served as Auditor; his sudden removal, whilst carrying on many labours for the benefit of historical literature, is a subject of very deep regret — a man more generous, or personally more estimable, ,ean scarcely be conceived. Of 2 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1864. Mr. J. BOWYER NICHOLS it is only necessary to remind the Members that he was one of the Founders of this Society, that in conjunction with his Sons he has been the printer of all our publications, and that he has granted us the use of his rooms in Parliament Street as a place of meeting for the Council, and (for some years past) for our General Meetings. Since the last Anniversary the following publications have been delivered to the Members — Wills from Doctors' Commons. EDITED by JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq. F.S.A. and JOHN BRUCE, Esq. F.S.A. Trevelyan Papers, Part II. EDITED by J. PAYNE COLLIER, Esq. F.S.A. These two books belong to the preceding year. The Council trust they have justified the notice given of them in the last Report. The publications of the year 1863-4 have been — I. The Life of Marmaduke Rawdon of York. From the Original MS. in the possession of ROBERT COOKE, Esq. Edited by ROBERT DAVIES, Esq. F.S.A. a volume replete with interesting pictures of the state of society in Rawdon's period, and edited with great care and judgment by MR. DAVIES. This book has been universally acknowledged by reviewers to be one of the most interesting and best edited of our publications. This was followed by II. Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou, Bishop Beckington, and others, temp. Henry VI. Edited by CECIL MONRO, Esq. a work of much importance in reference to a period of our history which is peculiarly obscure. The Society is under great obligation to Mr. Monro for calling attention to these letters, and for the care with which he has edited them. The manuscripts from which this and the preceding volume have been derived are in private hands, and but for the existence of this Society would probably never have been given to the press. As another book for this year's subscription the Members will receive a Fifth Volume of The Camden Miscellany, containing : — Five Letters of King Charles II., communicated by the Marquis of BRISTOL, President of the Camden Society. Letter of the Council to Sir Thomas Lake, relating to the proceedings of Sir Edward Coke at Oatlands ; and, Documents relating to Sir Walter Raleigh's last Voyage. Communicated by S. R. GARDINER, Esq. A Catalogue of Early English Miscellanies formerly in the Harleian Library. Edited by W. CAREVV HAZLITT, Esq. REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1864. 3 • Letters selected from the Collection of Autographs in the possession of WILLIAM TITE, Esq. M.P., V.P.S A. Sir Francis Drake's Memorable Service done against the Spaniards in 1587. Written by ROBERT LENG, Gentleman, one of his co-adventurers and fellow - soldiers. Edited by CLARENCE HOPPER, Esq. Inquiry into the Genuineness of a Letter dated February 3rd, 1613, and signed " Mary Magdaline Davers." Our volumes of Miscellanies have always been welcomed by the Members, and the Council feel that the varied and interesting character of the present Collection, which owes much of its value to the liberality of the President in placing the curious Letters of Charles the Second at the disposal of the Council, and of Mr. Tite, who, in like manner, has contri- buted a characteristic Series of Letters, will be as acceptable as any of its predecessors. The following Work has been recently added to the List of suggested Publications : — List of Persons who compounded for not taking up Knighthood at the Coronation of Charles the First. Since the last General Meeting a suggestion has been made to the Council, that the Camden Society would be doing good service to the cause of historical literature, by applying to the Judge of the Court of Probate for an extension of the privilege now enjoyed by literary inquirers at Doctors' Commons to all local registries and to all other courts in which Wills have at any time been proved. The Council readily entertained the suggestion ; and with a view to giving greater weight to the application requested the co-operation of the Society of Antiquaries. This was very cordially agreed to ; and a Joint Committee of the two Societies was appointed to carry out this object. The Joint Committee thereupon drew up the following Memorial, which, having been signed by the President and Council of the Society of Anti- quaries, and by the President and Council of the Camden Society, has been forwarded to Sir James Wilde. The Society of Antiquaries, Somerset House. MY LORD, ON the 18th February, 1859, many of the undersigned, conjointly with other persons interested in literary research, addressed a letter to the late Sir Cresswell Cresswell, in which his attention was directed to the manner in which the labours of persons engaged in literature were affected by the regulations of the Record Office REPORT OF THE AUDITORS. « WE, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an account of the Receipts and Expenditure from the 15th of April, 1863, to the 15th of April, 1864, and that we have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the same to be correct and satisfactory. And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipts and Expenditure during the period we have mentioned. RECEIPTS. £. s. d. By Balance oflast year's account.. 281 10 11 Received on account of Members whose Subscriptions were in ar- rear at the last Audit 59 0 0 Thelikeonaccountof Subscriptions due on 1st of May last (1863) .. 301 0 0 The like on account of Subscriptions due on 1st of May next 15 0 0 Oneyear'sdividendon£lOl63*.ld. 3 per Cent. Consols, standing in the names of the Trustees of the Society, deducting Income Tax. . 29 12 0 By Sale of the Publications of past years to Members of the Society 20 5 0 £706 7 11 EXPENDITURE. £ s. d. Paid for printing No. 83, Wills from Doctors Com- mons, 600 copies 5711 6 Paid for printing No. 84, Trevelyan Papers, Vol. II. 600 copies 49 1 0 Paid for printing No. 85, Life of Marmaduke Rawdon, 600 copies 72 1 0 Paid for printing No. 86, Letters of Margaret of Anjou, 600 copies 6016 6 Paid for Miscellaneous Printing 8 15 0 PaidforPaper 7712 0 Paid for Indexes 5 5 0 Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses, &c 31 4 7 Paid for Binding 5810 0 Paid for Woodcuts 1 0 0 Paid for Insurance : 1 11 6 Paid for Advertisements 5 0 0 Paid for postage, carriage of parcels, and other petty cash expenses 5 7 7 Paid commission on Sundry Remittances 1 9 By Balance. 433 17 5 .272 10 6 £706 7 11 And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that over and above the present balance of £272 105. 6d. there a*e outstanding various sub- scriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from London, which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received. HENRY HILL. WILLIAM CHAPPELL. April, 1864. WORKS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. For the Subscription of 1838-9. 1. Restoration of King- Edward IV. 2. Kyng Johan, by Bishop Bale. 3. Deposition of King Richard II. 4. Plumpton Correspondence. 5. Anecdotes and Traditions. For 1839-40. 6. Political Songs. 7. Hayward's Annals of Elizabeth. 8. Ecclesiastical Documents, 9. Norden's Description of Essex. 10. Warkworth's Chronicle. 11. Kemp's Nine Daies Wonder. For 1840-41. 12. The Egerton Papers. 13. Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda. 14. Irish Narratives, 1641 and 1690. 15. Rishanger's Chronicle. For 1841-42. 16. Poems of Walter Mapes. 17. Travels of Nicander Nucius. 18. Three Metrical Romances. 19. Diary of Dr. John Dee. For 1842-43. 20. Apology for the Lollards. 21. Rutland Papers. 22. Diary of Bishop Cartwright. 23. Letters of Eminent Literary Men. 24. Proceedings against Alice Kyteler. For 1843-44. 25. Promptorium Parvulorum : Tom. I. 26. Suppression of the Monasteries. 27. Leycester Correspondence. For 1844-45. 28. French Chronicle of London. 29. Polydore Vergil. 30. The Thornton Romances. 31. Verney's Notes of Long Parliament. For 1845-46. 32. Autobiography of Sir J. Bramston. 33. Correspondence of Duke of Perth. 34. Liber de Antiquis Legibus. 35. The Chronicle of Calais. For 184647. 36. Polydore Vergil's History, Vol. I. 37. Italian Relation of England. 38. Church of Middleham. 39. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. I. , For 1847-48. 40. Life of Lord Grey of Wilton. 41. Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq. 42. Diary of Henry Machyn. For 1848-49. 43. Visitation of Huntingdonshire. 44. Obituary of Richard Smyth. 45. Twysden on Government of England. For 1849-50. 46. Letters of Elizabeth and James VI. 47. Chronicon Petroburgense. 48. Queen Jane and Queen Mary. For 1850-51. 49. Bury Wills and Inventories. 50. Mapes de Nugis Curialium. 51. Pilgrimage of Sir R. Guylford. For 1851-52. 52. Secret Services of Chas. II. & Jas. II. 53. Chronicle of Grey Friars of London. 54. Promptorium Parvulorum, Tom. II. For 1852-53. 55. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. II. 56. Verney Papers to 1639. 57. The Ancren Riwle. 8 WORKS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. For 1853-54. 58. Letters of Lady B. Harley. 59. Roll of Bishop Swinfield, Vol. I, For 1854-55. 60. Grants, &c. of Edward the Fifth. 61. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. III. 62. Roll of Bishop Swinfield, Vol. II. For 1855-56. 63. Charles Lin 1646. 64. English Chronicle 1377 to 1461. 65. The Hospitallers in England. For 1856-57. 66 Diary of John Rous. 67. The Trevelyan Papers. 68. Journal of Dean Davies. For 1857-58. 69. The Domesday of St. Paul's. 70. The Liber Famelicus of Sir James Whitelocke. For 1858-59. 71. Savile Correspondence. 72. Blonde of Oxford. 73. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. IV. For 1859-60. 74. Diary of Richard Symonds. 75. Papers relating to Milton. 76. Letters of Lord George Carew. For 1860-61. 77. Narratives of the Reformation. 78. Correspondence of James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil. For 1861-62. 79. Chamberlain's Letters temp. Eliz. 80. Proceedings in Kent 1640. 81. .Parliamentary Debates 1610. For 1862-63. 82. Foreigners Resident in England 1618-1688. 83. Wills from Doctors* Commons. 84. Trevelyan Papers, Part II. to 1643. For 1863-64. 85. Life of Marmaduke Rawdon of York. 86. Letters of Margaret of Anjou, &c. 87. The Camden Miscellany, Vol. V. To Members of the Society, i. e. Subscribers for the current year, applying whilst the Works of former years remain in stock, they will be supplied on the following terms : — The books for each year, except the first (which are out of print) and the two last, at Ten Shillings. The books for 1862-63 and 1863-64 (together), for Thirty Shillings. The subscription of One Pound is due in advance on the 1st of May in every Year. No Books are delivered until the Subscription for the Year has been paid. W. J. THOMS, Secretary. A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE of the Works of the Society, accompanied by a classified Arrange- ment of their Contents, and an Index of Subjects, Authors, and Editors, by JOHN GOUSH NICHOLS, F.S.A. is published, bound uniformly with the Series, price Five Shillings. 25 Parliament Street, Westminster, 15 June, 1864. , DA 20 C17 no. 87 Camden Society, London cPublications^ PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY